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Peruvian Presidential Candidate Ollanta Humala speaks during closing the campaign rally in Arequipa, 465 Miles (750 Kilometers) southeast of the capital of Lima, Peru, Thursday, April 6, 2006. He promises heavy state intervention in a free-market economy and wants to end U.S.-backed eradication of Peru's coca crop. Peruvians will vote to elect a new president and Congress Sunday. (AP Photo/Martin Mejia)
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This is the new front line in the populist, left-wing revolution sweeping
Latin America: in front of a vast phalanx of the poor of Peru, clad in red T-shirts
and holding nationalist banners on long bamboo poles, a former army officer
and failed coup leader jogs on to the stage in a pack of identically dressed
supporters.
Bemused American tourists look down from the balconies of the Sheraton
Hotel in Lima, sipping $8 pisco sours.
With Washington nervously watching the leftward swing of its long-neglected
backyard, Ollanta Humala, the front-runner in tomorrow’s general election,
is proposing to transform his impoverished country with nationalism and populism.
It is a recipe that would put him on a collision course with the US
and propel Peru into the camp of leaders such as Hugo Chávez, the Venezuelan
President who enjoys vast oil wealth and close ties to Fidel Castro of Cuba
and Evo Morales, the indigenous coca farmer who last year became President of
neighbouring Bolivia.
Tapping into continent-wide anger at continued grinding poverty and exploitation
by small elites — despite five years of economic growth in Peru —
Señor Humala has swept from relative obscurity to the front of the political
stage. “Our nationalism is the defence of our country. Nationalism is
the recovery of our sovereignty, the protection of our natural resources. It’s
a nationalism that is modern, not authoritarian as many political adversaries
say,” he bellowed at his closing rally.
Like thousands of supporters bussed in from far-flung provinces, he had the
words “Love for Peru” emblazoned on his T-shirt. Many here see the
former soldier’s lack of political experience as a plus in a country where
politicians are seen as corrupt lackeys pandering to foreign corporations. Playing
up his indigenous roots he reminded supporters that his name means “warrior
who sees all” in native Quechua.
Despite allegations that he “disappeared” peasants while fighting
the Maoist Shining Path guerrillas during the 1980s and 1990s, charges he denies,
many of his supporters admire him as a decisive leader capable of bringing order
to a failing state.
“This is the option for change,” said Norberto Villa Huaringa,
a pensioner who travelled 48 hours by bus to attend the rally.
“Throughout our history we have been duped. Instead of things getting
better they have got worse. Some say that we are jumping into the abyss, but
I don’t think it’s true. This country has been plagued by corruption.
All state functionaries have a great salary while the people starve.”
Señor Humala has been deliberately vague about his plans to transform
Peru. While threatening to rip up a free-trade initiative with the US, he has
also tried to steady stock market wobbles by pledging not to nationalise Peru’s
huge gas and oil reserves controlled by Western multinationals.
Instead he has played the emotive, populist ticket. At his rally Andean nose-flute
players thrummed the lambada as women in skimpy traditional costumes flashed
their thonged rumps before a giant screen to an audience waving “Yes to
nationalism” banners.
But unlike Señor Chávez and Señor Morales, who used their
humble beginnings to win popular support, Peru’s would-be social revolutionary,
who led a failed coup in 2000 against the regime of President Fujimori, has
had to distance himself from his privileged upbringing and controversial roots.
His father founded an ultra-nationalist movement claiming the racial purity
of indigenous Peruvians, while his mother advocated shooting homosexuals to
tackle “immorality”.
His brother and co-conspirator, Antauro, was jailed last year for leading 150
reservists in an attack on a police station to demand the resignation of President
Toledo, whose execution he still demands from his cell. Señor Humala’s
other brother, Ulises, is leading a straggling, racist, anti-white campaign
against his sibling, who diplomatically responds by saying that the Peruvian
people are now his real family.
All this has led some traditionalist leftists to caution that Señor
Humala is not their natural ally. But many socialists still prefer him to his
closest rivals, Lourdes Flores, a centre-right liberal, and Alan García,
a former President whose tenure was plagued by hyperinflation.
Señor Humala will face one or the other in a run-off if, as seems likely,
he does not secure 50 per cent of tomorrow’s vote.
“We are for free trade but with equality. There should be open competition,”
said Alberto Granda, a literature teacher. “But how can there be when
Peru’s farmers don’t have what North American farmers have, such
as subsidies and technical assistance?”
With 43 per cent of Latin America living below the poverty line — 51
per cent in Peru — many hope the election will pull Peru into the continental
drift leftward during a year when a dozen presidencies are up for grabs. Polls
suggest that Señora Flores narrowly trails Señor Humala and is
his most likely opponent in the second-round run-off. Señora Flores,
who would become the country’s first woman President, is mainly supported
by wealthier Peruvians who warm to her pro-business policies, but there is no
real enthusiasm for her candidacy. Many will vote for her because they consider
there is no real alternative.
After a late surge in the opinion polls, Señor García retains
hopes of regaining the presidency. A talented orator, he promises job creation
and investment in agriculture and hopes that voters will forget his dire economic
record during his first presidency.
But Peruvians are unlikely to be swayed by promises of sound economic management
alone. Señor Toledo, the incumbent, who is barred from seeking re-election,
delivered strong economic growth but has remained deeply unpopular throughout
his presidency.
“A big slice of the population does not feel represented. They feel there’s
no one who will stand up and show their face and be their voice,” Santiago
Pedraglio, a political analyst, said.
Señor Huaringa, the pensioner, put it more simply. “We are tired
of being poor. President Toledo has the face of an Indian but the mind of an
American. That’s why we hate him.”
VOTING FOR RADICAL CHANGE
Venezuela Hugo Chavez elected in 1999, denouced oil-rich
elite and promised a better life for the poor
Bolivia Evo Morales, elected in 2005, is an indigenous Bolivian
and former trade union leader and has proposed referendums on greater regional
autonomy
Brazil Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, elected in 2002,
is a former trade union activist and leader of Workers’ Party. Launched
the Zero Hunger campaign against poverty
Chile Michelle Bachelet, elected in 2006, gives priority
to social issues and says she wants to ensure all Chileans benefit from economic
growth
Argentina Nestor Kirchner, elected in 2003, supports state
control of public services and will not repay debts at the expense of social
welfare
Mexico The leftist Andrés Manuel López Obrador,
a former indigenous rights activist, leads opinion polls ahead of elections
scheduled for July. President Fox, who favours free trade and strong links
with the US, is barred from seeking a second term
FACT AND FICTION
Peru has a population of 28.3 million, just over half of whom are living
below the poverty line
The country produces 135 tonnes of pure cocaine in 2003, about a fifth of
the total from South America
Famous natives include the comedian Michael Bentine, Wimbledon champion Alex
Olmedo, the photographer Mario Testino, the footballer Nolberto Solano, the
writer Mario Vargas Llosa, and Paddington Bear