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Army of the poor marches Latin America further to left
by James Hider    The Times Online
Entered into the database on Saturday, April 08th, 2006 @ 17:59:56 MST


 

Untitled Document
Peruvian Presidential Candidate Ollanta Humala speaks during closing the campaign rally in Arequipa, 465 Miles (750 Kilometers) southeast of the capital of Lima, Peru, Thursday, April 6, 2006. He promises heavy state intervention in a free-market economy and wants to end U.S.-backed eradication of Peru's coca crop. Peruvians will vote to elect a new president and Congress Sunday. (AP Photo/Martin Mejia)

This is the new front line in the populist, left-wing revolution sweeping Latin America: in front of a vast phalanx of the poor of Peru, clad in red T-shirts and holding nationalist banners on long bamboo poles, a former army officer and failed coup leader jogs on to the stage in a pack of identically dressed supporters.

Bemused American tourists look down from the balconies of the Sheraton Hotel in Lima, sipping $8 pisco sours.

With Washington nervously watching the leftward swing of its long-neglected backyard, Ollanta Humala, the front-runner in tomorrow’s general election, is proposing to transform his impoverished country with nationalism and populism.

It is a recipe that would put him on a collision course with the US and propel Peru into the camp of leaders such as Hugo Chávez, the Venezuelan President who enjoys vast oil wealth and close ties to Fidel Castro of Cuba and Evo Morales, the indigenous coca farmer who last year became President of neighbouring Bolivia.

Tapping into continent-wide anger at continued grinding poverty and exploitation by small elites — despite five years of economic growth in Peru — Señor Humala has swept from relative obscurity to the front of the political stage. “Our nationalism is the defence of our country. Nationalism is the recovery of our sovereignty, the protection of our natural resources. It’s a nationalism that is modern, not authoritarian as many political adversaries say,” he bellowed at his closing rally.

Like thousands of supporters bussed in from far-flung provinces, he had the words “Love for Peru” emblazoned on his T-shirt. Many here see the former soldier’s lack of political experience as a plus in a country where politicians are seen as corrupt lackeys pandering to foreign corporations. Playing up his indigenous roots he reminded supporters that his name means “warrior who sees all” in native Quechua.

Despite allegations that he “disappeared” peasants while fighting the Maoist Shining Path guerrillas during the 1980s and 1990s, charges he denies, many of his supporters admire him as a decisive leader capable of bringing order to a failing state.

“This is the option for change,” said Norberto Villa Huaringa, a pensioner who travelled 48 hours by bus to attend the rally.

“Throughout our history we have been duped. Instead of things getting better they have got worse. Some say that we are jumping into the abyss, but I don’t think it’s true. This country has been plagued by corruption. All state functionaries have a great salary while the people starve.”

Señor Humala has been deliberately vague about his plans to transform Peru. While threatening to rip up a free-trade initiative with the US, he has also tried to steady stock market wobbles by pledging not to nationalise Peru’s huge gas and oil reserves controlled by Western multinationals.

Instead he has played the emotive, populist ticket. At his rally Andean nose-flute players thrummed the lambada as women in skimpy traditional costumes flashed their thonged rumps before a giant screen to an audience waving “Yes to nationalism” banners.

But unlike Señor Chávez and Señor Morales, who used their humble beginnings to win popular support, Peru’s would-be social revolutionary, who led a failed coup in 2000 against the regime of President Fujimori, has had to distance himself from his privileged upbringing and controversial roots.

His father founded an ultra-nationalist movement claiming the racial purity of indigenous Peruvians, while his mother advocated shooting homosexuals to tackle “immorality”.

His brother and co-conspirator, Antauro, was jailed last year for leading 150 reservists in an attack on a police station to demand the resignation of President Toledo, whose execution he still demands from his cell. Señor Humala’s other brother, Ulises, is leading a straggling, racist, anti-white campaign against his sibling, who diplomatically responds by saying that the Peruvian people are now his real family.

All this has led some traditionalist leftists to caution that Señor Humala is not their natural ally. But many socialists still prefer him to his closest rivals, Lourdes Flores, a centre-right liberal, and Alan García, a former President whose tenure was plagued by hyperinflation.

Señor Humala will face one or the other in a run-off if, as seems likely, he does not secure 50 per cent of tomorrow’s vote.

“We are for free trade but with equality. There should be open competition,” said Alberto Granda, a literature teacher. “But how can there be when Peru’s farmers don’t have what North American farmers have, such as subsidies and technical assistance?”

With 43 per cent of Latin America living below the poverty line — 51 per cent in Peru — many hope the election will pull Peru into the continental drift leftward during a year when a dozen presidencies are up for grabs. Polls suggest that Señora Flores narrowly trails Señor Humala and is his most likely opponent in the second-round run-off. Señora Flores, who would become the country’s first woman President, is mainly supported by wealthier Peruvians who warm to her pro-business policies, but there is no real enthusiasm for her candidacy. Many will vote for her because they consider there is no real alternative.

After a late surge in the opinion polls, Señor García retains hopes of regaining the presidency. A talented orator, he promises job creation and investment in agriculture and hopes that voters will forget his dire economic record during his first presidency.

But Peruvians are unlikely to be swayed by promises of sound economic management alone. Señor Toledo, the incumbent, who is barred from seeking re-election, delivered strong economic growth but has remained deeply unpopular throughout his presidency.

“A big slice of the population does not feel represented. They feel there’s no one who will stand up and show their face and be their voice,” Santiago Pedraglio, a political analyst, said.

Señor Huaringa, the pensioner, put it more simply. “We are tired of being poor. President Toledo has the face of an Indian but the mind of an American. That’s why we hate him.”

VOTING FOR RADICAL CHANGE

Venezuela Hugo Chavez elected in 1999, denouced oil-rich elite and promised a better life for the poor

Bolivia Evo Morales, elected in 2005, is an indigenous Bolivian and former trade union leader and has proposed referendums on greater regional autonomy

Brazil Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, elected in 2002, is a former trade union activist and leader of Workers’ Party. Launched the Zero Hunger campaign against poverty

Chile Michelle Bachelet, elected in 2006, gives priority to social issues and says she wants to ensure all Chileans benefit from economic growth

Argentina Nestor Kirchner, elected in 2003, supports state control of public services and will not repay debts at the expense of social welfare

Mexico The leftist Andrés Manuel López Obrador, a former indigenous rights activist, leads opinion polls ahead of elections scheduled for July. President Fox, who favours free trade and strong links with the US, is barred from seeking a second term

FACT AND FICTION

Peru has a population of 28.3 million, just over half of whom are living below the poverty line

The country produces 135 tonnes of pure cocaine in 2003, about a fifth of the total from South America

Famous natives include the comedian Michael Bentine, Wimbledon champion Alex Olmedo, the photographer Mario Testino, the footballer Nolberto Solano, the writer Mario Vargas Llosa, and Paddington Bear