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The front-runner in Haiti’s election charged Tuesday that the
vote count—now entering its second week—was plagued by “gross
errors and probably gigantic fraud.” The totals being reported by the
country’s electoral council “do not correspond with reality,”
he said.
Former Haitian president Rene Preval made the accusations in the wake of mass
protests Monday that saw two Haitians gunned down by United Nations “stabilization”
troops and the capital of Port-au-Prince paralyzed by demonstrations and burning
barricades.
The political crisis ignited by the prolonged delay in announcing the
results of the February 7 election has brought the impoverished Caribbean country
to the brink of civil war. There are strong indications that this is precisely
the intention of the US-backed figures from within Haiti’s right-wing
political class who control the ballot tabulation.
The Haitian people are entirely justified in believing that the election is
being rigged by Washington to impose US policy on the island nation. In February
2004, the US orchestrated a bloody coup by ex-soldiers, criminals and death
squad leaders to oust President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, who was kidnapped by
American operatives and forced into exile. Washington then sent in the US Marines,
who have since been replaced by some 9,500 blue-helmeted UN troops. The one
party that enjoyed mass support, Aristide’s Fanmi Lavalas, has been outlawed
since the coup, with its prominent members imprisoned, exiled or forced into
hiding.
Having used violence and military force to overthrow an elected government
that it opposed, the Bush administration has no compunction about employing
fraud and provocation to shape the kind of regime it wants in Port-au-Prince.
After all, similar methods for stealing an election were used to install George
W. Bush in the White House in the first place.
Seven days after millions of Haitians went to the polls, the ballot count has
inexplicably ground to a halt. There is no dispute that Preval was the overwhelming
victor in the election, winning at least four times as many votes as his nearest
rival. The issue is the attempt by those opposed to Preval to deny him an outright
majority and thereby force the election into a second round next month.
While initially vote totals had Preval sweeping the election with over 61 percent
of the vote, as the count has dragged on his percentage has precipitously fallen
to just below the 49 percent mark—a shift that is widely attributed to
the throwing out of tens of thousands of ballots from the impoverished shantytown
neighborhoods of Port-au-Prince, which voted massively for the ex-president.
In addition, some 72,000 blank ballots were reportedly added to the total, thereby
diluting Preval’s lead.
Pierre Richard Duchemin, the Catholic Church’s representative on the
electoral council, and Patrick Requiere, another council member, both charged
Sunday that the results of the election were being manipulated to deny Preval
a clear-cut victory.
While the US State Department has signaled that it is willing to work with
Preval, who during his 1996-2001 presidency faithfully implemented a draconian
structural adjustment program dictated by the International Monetary Fund, his
election by a landslide was by no means a welcome development in Washington.
The vote, which saw a powerful turnout by Haiti’s oppressed masses, represented
a stinging repudiation of US policy and, above all, the 2004 coup that toppled
Aristide, whose populist rhetoric made him anathema, both to the Bush administration
and the Haitian oligarchy.
Among Haiti’s privileged classes, Preval’s former ties to Aristide
made him suspect, at best. Their favored candidate, sweatshop owner Charles
Henri Baker, who garnered barely 5 percent of the vote, has vowed to challenge
the election and to prevent Preval from taking office.
US officials have pressed Preval to give them a guarantee that he will not
allow Aristide to return from exile in South Africa and that he will bring his
political opponents into the government. Forcing a second round would provide
Washington and its right-wing Haitian allies with political leverage either
to compel Preval to accept their dictates or, failing that, to unleash a campaign
of violent destabilization similar to that utilized to oust Aristide two years
ago.
There are in all probability differences within the Bush administration over
what course to pursue in Haiti. In an article published January 29, the New
York Times cited past “ideological wars and partisan rivalries”
in Washington over how to deal with the Aristide government. Extreme right-wing
elements with ties to the anti-Castro Cuban exile groups, like Otto Reich, who
was appointed the State Department’s top official for Latin America, supported
Aristide’s overthrow, just as they had sought to overthrow Venezuela’s
elected president, Hugo Chavez, two years earlier. Other State Department professionals
had warned that such a coup would only throw Haiti into chaos.
The Times report detailed the operations of the International Republican Institute
(IRI), a Republican Party-linked body that is a constituent part of the National
Endowment for Democracy, the agency created by Congress in the 1980s to carry
on the kind of US political operations that were previously conducted by the
CIA.
The IRI, working with elements like Baker and fellow sweatshop owner Andy Apaid,
organized in the Group 184, poured in money and advisors to destabilize the
Aristide government and pave the way to the violent coup of 2004. No doubt,
these extreme right-wing Republican ideologues are just as opposed to Preval
taking power as their Haitian allies.
While the Bush administration has claimed to be pursuing a global crusade for
democracy and, together with the US media, portrayed elections held under US
military occupation in Afghanistan and Iraq as major achievements, it has drawn
no such attention to the chaotic process in Haiti.
The Haitian developments expose all too clearly what the US ruling elite means
by democracy. The gross manipulation of the election is only the latest episode
in a long history of oppression dating back to the US invasion of Haiti in 1915,
the 20-year occupation that followed, and Washington’s subsequent support
for the Duvalier dynasty, which ruled the country through naked terror for three
decades.
The “democracy” that Washington is exporting begins and ends with
the establishment of regimes that allow the unhindered domination of US-based
multinationals over all facets of the economic and political life of their countries.
To the extent that the people seek to express their democratic aspirations
by voting against US interests, Washington is prepared to use more violent or
coercive methods to achieve its aims. Significantly, even as the vote-rigging
drama was unfolding in Port-au-Prince, the New York Times reported Tuesday that
the Bush administration and Israel were drafting plans to destabilize and topple
the newly elected Palestinian government controlled by Hamas by starving the
Palestinian people into submission.
In Haiti, a century of US domination has yielded a social catastrophe, with
two thirds of the population of 8 million somehow surviving on less than a dollar
a day, 80 percent unemployment, and a life expectancy of barely 51 years. It
has also produced extreme social inequality, with a tiny ruling elite that is
prepared to utilize the bloodiest forms of terror to defend its privileges.
The fight for genuine democracy in Haiti, as elsewhere in the world,
must inevitably take the path of confrontation with US imperialism and its local
allies. The bitter lesson of the Aristide presidencies is that such a struggle
cannot be waged on a nationalist basis, but rather requires a unified struggle
of the workers and oppressed masses of Haiti, the Caribbean and the United States
itself against global capitalism.