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I’m sick and tired of hearing about the Supreme Court nomination of Samuel
Alito. I wanted to hurl when Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Arlen “Magic
Bullet” Specter said “Alito went further than any judicial nominee
that has come before the committee in the thoroughness of his answers, the chairman
voiced his disappointment with the partisanship that often plagued the hearings,”
as the Bush Ministry of Propaganda, Fox
News division, reports.
In fact, Alito did no such thing.
It’s not newsworthy that Alito’s wife, Martha-Ann Bomgardner,
“got choked up,” as World
Views characterized it, when “Senate Judiciary Democrats …
grilled, insulted, and defamed” the shoo-in nominee, although it was in
fact Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham who made her bawl (Alito’s spouse
needs to grow a spine and understand Washington is a pit of poisonous vipers
and, besides, after her husband eagerly and dutifully facilitates the ongoing
evisceration of the Constitution, she likely will not shed a tear).
I wanted to break something when I learned Alito supposedly “tried…
to assure Vermont Sen. Patrick Leahy that he would not allow any president to
violate the constitutional rights of Americans or ignore the law,” as
the Burlington
Free Press reports.
Actually, Alito is the poster child for allowing Bush (a dim-witted cardboard
cut-out for the Straussian neocons) to violate the Constitution ad infinitum,
or until it is refuse.
Sam Alito is philosophically indistinguishable from Carl
Schmitt, a leading Nazi jurist. I’m not declaring this to get your
attention, not as a rhetorical device.
As we know, the “Nazi Crown Jurist” Schmitt and the Machiavellian
godfather of the neocons, Leo Strauss, were collaborators and naturally saw
eye to eye on Hobbes’s “war of all against all” philosophy
(and agreed on the necessity of a Hobbesian-like fascist state, as do Strauss’
inheritors, the neocons). “Schmitt helped Strauss obtain a Rockefeller
Foundation grant to come to the United States. Strauss and Schmitt collaborated
on Schmitt’s book, The Concept of the Political and on Strauss’s
book on Hobbes. Strauss’s fawning letters to Schmitt continued long after
the Nazis’ ascent to power,” writes Barbara
Boyd. “The close relationship between Carl Schmitt and Leo Strauss,
and the explosive revival of Schmitt’s works in the United States,”
according to Boyd, was “funded by the same foundations which sponsor the
Federalist Society” (current funders include the Sarah Scaife, Carthage,
Koch, Olin, Bradley, Earhart, and Castle Rock foundations, according to a Right
Web profile), in other words the usual suspects also funding the fascism-loving
neocon foundations.
Of course, all of this would be irrelevant if not for the fact Alito is a member
in good standing with the Federalist Society (and it should not be considered
a coincidence four of the current nine Supremes are Federalist Society members
and Alito’s confirmation will stack the deck).
In the early 1920s, Schmitt, as a professor at the University of Greifswald,
wrote his infamous treatise, “Die Diktatur” (”On Dictatorship”),
in which he “discussed the foundations of the newly-established Weimar
Republic, emphasizing the office of the Reichspräsident. For Schmitt, a
strong dictator could embody the will of the people more effectively than any
legislative body, as it can be decisive, whereas parliaments inevitably involve
discussion and compromise,” according to a Wikipedia
write-up on Schmitt. “For Schmitt, every government capable of decisive
action must include a dictatorial element within its constitution.” In
a later work, Schmitt posited “an essential division between the liberal
doctrine of separation of powers and what he holds to be the nature of democracy
itself, the identity of the rulers and the ruled.” It is precisely the
separation of powers delineated in the Constitution the Straussian neocons are
currently attacking.
As Sen. Charles Schumer (D) of New York noted during Alito’s confirmation
hearing, the neocon nominee “endorsed in writing a truly vast power for
the presidency” when he, as an assistant to the solicitor general in the
Reagan administration, “wrote that he did not question whether former
Attorney General John Mitchell should have blanket immunity from lawsuits for
wiretapping Americans without a warrant in the early 1970s,” as ABC
News reported, a pertinent issue considering the recent revelations of the
vacuum cleaner approach of NSA snooping on Americans. Of course, for the Senate
Judiciary Committee and the corporate media, the fact Alito “did not question”
Mitchell’s violation of the Constitution (an elusive way to say Alito
doesn’t have a problem with presidents trashing the Constitution) is not
much of an issue.
All of this is part and parcel of the Straussian neocon plan to stack the Supreme
Court with authoritarians who will further eviscerate the Constitution and empower
the American version of the office of the Reichspräsident. Sam Alito is
the linchpin in this effort and, of course, his nomination is all but assured,
even if a few Democrats—upset over his obvious although unarticulated
opinion on abortion, a Democrat cause célèbre—decide to
launch an ineffectual filibuster and delay Alito’s confirmation for a
few days.
It should be obvious by now the Straussian neocons, reading the Schmittian
playbook closely, are on a roll and really there is not much we, the American
people—or the small number of us who pay attention—can do to stop
this steaming juggernaut as it lays waste to the founding principles of this
nation and, ultimately, converts a one-time constitutional republic into a technocratic
dictatorship of previously unknown dimension.
Addendum
In regard to the influence of Carl Schmitt on the Straussian neocons, read
Scott Horton’s
The Return of Carl Schmitt. According to Horton, the neocon response to
the “dilemma” of international humanitarian law is taken straight
from Schmitt. Horton writes:
According to Schmitt, the norms of international law respecting armed conflict
reflect the romantic illusions of an age of chivalry. They are “unrealistic”
as applied to modern ideological warfare against an enemy not constrained
by notions of a nation-state, adopting terrorist methods and fighting with
irregular formations that hardly equate to traditional armies. (Schmitt is,
of course, concerned with the Soviet Union here; he appears prepared to accept
that the Geneva and Hague rules would apply on the Western Front in dealing
with countries such as Britain and the United States). For Schmitt, the key
to successful prosecution of warfare against such a foe is demonization. The
enemy must be seen as absolute. He must be stripped of all legal rights, of
whatever nature. The Executive must be free to use whatever tools he can find
to fight and vanquish this foe. And conversely, the power to prosecute the
war must be vested without reservation in the Executive—in the words
of Reich Ministerial Director Franz Schlegelberger (eerily echoed in a brief
submission by Bush Administration Solicitor General Paul D. Clement), “in
time of war, the Executive is constituted the sole leader, sole legislator,
sole judge”…. In Schmitt’s classic formulation: “a
total war calls for a total enemy.” This is not to say that in Schmitt’s
view the enemy was somehow “morally evil or aesthetically unpleasing;”
it sufficed that he was “the other, the outsider, something different
and alien.” These thoughts are developed throughout Schmitt’s
work, but particularly in Der Begriff des Politischen (1927), Frieden oder
Pazifismus (1933) and Totaler Feind, totaler Krieg, totaler Staat (1937).
Obviously, the Straussian “war” against Islam fits the Schmittian
paradigm and, in order to effectively pursue this “war” against
the Islamic “other,” the Constitution, with its built-in safeguards
against tyranny (in particular, a separation of powers) must be jettisoned in
favor of a dictatorial executive, not only “during a time of war,”
as Bush insists (or his handlers tell him to insist), but permanently. Schmitt,
writes Horton, “saw in the peculiarly American notion of consensus-democracy
an unsustainable foolishness, and in the Jeffersonian vision of small government
with a maximum space for individual freedom a threat to his peculiar Catholic
values.” Likewise, the neocons, essentially students of both Strauss and
Schmitt, believe our “Jeffersonian vision of small government” and
Constitutional law is not only “foolish,” but a dire threat to their
program of total war, conquest, and exploitation. However, instead of “Catholic
values,” the core neocons adhere to Zionist values.
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