Untitled Document
The neocons in Washington love to talk about how they're promoting
freedom and democracy in Iraq. They often cite as their example the country's
Kurdish population, staunch allies of Washington, who have been protected by
the American military since no-fly zones were imposed after the 1991 Gulf War.
But just how much freedom is there in northern Iraq?
Consider the case of Dr. Kamal Sayid Qadir, a well-known Kurdish writer, lawyer,
and university lecturer who holds Austrian citizenship. He was picked up by
the Kurdish security service in Arbil on Oct. 26 and sentenced to 30 years behind
bars.
Qadir's arrest is clearly an affront to freedom, and his case has been taken
up by key human rights organizations such as Amnesty
International and the international
writers group PEN, as well as the Iraqi
Journalists Guild. Dozens of prominent Kurdish journalists and intellectuals
around the world have also signed a petition calling for his immediate release.
Qadir was arrested because he was a fierce critic of the Kurdistan Democratic
Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) – the two armed
Kurdish factions who have ruled northern Iraq under U.S. auspices.
Earlier this year, for example, he wrote that Kurdish leaders have failed to
"transform Iraqi Kurdistan into a model democracy for Iraq, or even the
Middle East, because, instead, the Kurdish parties transformed Iraqi Kurdistan
into a fortress for oppression, theft of public funds, and serious abuses of
human rights like murder, torture, amputation of ears and noses, and rape."
In same article, also pointed to Washington's culpability in this situation:
"All this was conducted under American protection because the Kurdish
parties, and others in the region, know too well that all the privileges and
gains achieved since 1991 by the Kurdish parties were impossible without direct
American backing and support. Indeed the Americans, who had established and
directly protected the safe heaven in Iraqi Kurdistan in 1991, and after the
fall of the former regime in April 2003, were behind the rewarding of the
Kurdish parties further privileges in the form of a federal region and a bigger
share of Iraqi budget, which no one knows where it went and how it has been
spent to this date."
Now Qadir is in prison.
Since 1991, these two political groups have developed their own secret police
(or asayeesh, in Kurdish).
Elections have been held, but parties who side against the KDP and PUK slates
often find their leaders beaten. In January, covering the election of an interim
government, I found vote-buying and intimidation, including the beating
of campaign workers for the moderate Kurdistan Islamic Union. This December,
the party's headquarters in Dohuk were burned
and looted, and four members of the Kurdistan Islamic Union, including one
politburo member, were killed.
The Kurdish people deserve better.
In 1994, the KDP and PUK fought a war over control of Iraqi Kurdistan. Whole
villages were destroyed when they found themselves on the wrong side. The conflict
ended when Massoud Barzani (the leader responsible for Qadir's arrest) called
on Saddam Hussein to help him oust his rival, Jalal Talabani, from Arbil, the
largest city in the Kurdish autonomous region.
Since then, the two factions have learned to cooperate. So when you enter northern
Iraq from its border with Turkey, there are large pictures of both Kurdish leaders,
Massoud Barzani and Jalal Talabani, where Saddam's used to be.