More and more evidence continues to accumulate that Voter registration
fraud was responsible for a great deal if not the total Bush vote margin in
the 2004 Presidential election. The latest evidence comes from Mark
Crispin Miller, as documented in his recent book, “Fooled Again –
How the Right Stole the 2004 Election and Why They’ll Steal the Next One
Too (Unless We Stop Them)”. Added to previously existing evidence, the
evidence presented by Miller makes it all but incontrovertible that massive
voter registration fraud was a major factor in Kerry’s “loss”
of Ohio. Only an idiot or a liar could look at the current mass of accumulated
evidence and conclude that there is not a huge story there:
Discrepancies between NY Times reports and official voter registration
I initially suspected that there was something very wrong with voter registration
in Ohio, and especially in Cleveland, when I discovered a HUGE discrepancy between
reports by the New York
Times of massive new voter registration in Democratic areas of Ohio (ten
times that of Republican areas) and official voter registration figures. I posted
a DU article entitled “New
York Times Reporters Probably Hold Key to Proving Kerry Victory in Ohio”,
in which one of my main points was that the Times reporters identified 230,000
new voters registered in heavily Democratic Cuyahoga County in 2004, compared
to official Secretary of State figures indicating only 119,000 newly registered
voters in Cuyahoga County. I suggested at the time that a major reason for the
discrepancy of 111,000 voters was either illegal purging of voters or fraudulent
manipulation of the official figures to hide the fact that votes in heavily
Democratic areas were electronically deleted on Election Day, or a combination
of those things. Along these lines, I later posted another DU article, entitled
Happened in Cleveland – a Plausible Scenario for a Stolen Election”,
where I estimated that if the discrepancy between the official figures and the
newspaper reports was due to voter registration fraud, that could have cost
Kerry about 46 thousand net votes in Cleveland.
Confirmation by Greater Cleveland Voter Registration Coalition
Having failed to get the NY Times or its reporters to respond to my enquiries,
I managed to get a large degree of confirmation from Norman Robbins, leader
of the Greater Cleveland Voter Registration Coalition. According to his figures,
as communicated to me by e-mail, there were160,894 new voter registrations received
by the Cuyahoga County Board of Elections in 2004 (compared to 31,903 new voter
registrations in 2000). This was about 42,000 more registered voters than the
119 thousand increase in registered voters between March and November of 2004
indicated by the official figures (though Normans’ number of newly registered
voters in Cuyahoga County is somewhat less than that identified by the New York
Times.) The discrepancy between Robbins’ figures and the official figures
could be due to purging of newly registered voters, or failure to process the
new voter registrations, which Robbins describes in his report.
Illegal purging of registered voters
Confirmation of the probable reason for the above noted discrepancies came
from research by Victoria Lovegren, who posted a report at Ohio
Vigilance which indicates the purging, apparently illegal, of 165,224 voters
from Cuyahoga County alone, for no other rationale than that they hadn't voted
recently. Dr. Lovegren notes in her report that this practice violates the National
Voting Rights Act. This matter is still being investigated. We don't know at
this time precisely when these purges occurred, though it was some time between
the 2002 and 2004 November elections. Perhaps the most troublesome aspect of
these reports is that the purging appears to have been done discriminately,
that is, with no specific criteria for who would be purged.
Dr. Lovegren's report also notes numerous other issues of serious concern,
including the following:
* Registration applications being rejected for trivial
* Insufficient staff to deal with all the applications
for voter registration.
* Requests for absentee ballots not responded to.
* Hundreds of long time voters missing from the voter roles
* Jammed phone lines on Election Day, so that voter inquiries
couldn’t be answered
* The public was not allowed to watch the provisional ballot
* Numerous voters did not receive provisional ballots as
required by law.
* Numerous dirty tricks aimed at disenfranchising Democratic
What effect did this have on the ground?– Evidence from Mark
Crispin Miller’s Book
A question that is often asked of me when I talk about voter registration fraud
in Ohio is what effect the purging of Democratic voters would be likely to have
on the election results. There are two lines of doubt that have been expressed
to me on this question. One is the question of whether newly registered voters
would be as likely to vote as would long time voters. This question is answered
in the Democratic National Committee (DNC) report on the 2004 Ohio election.
According to Section
VI, Figure 12 of that report, new voter registration was correlated with
high voter turnout, meaning that in general, newly registered voters were more
likely to vote in the Ohio 2004 election than were previously registered voters.
The other line of doubt is the question of whether people who are purged actually
are prevented from voting. I am asked, “Couldn’t these people re-register
after they found out that they were purged? I would answer this question by
saying that maybe they could re-register if they know they were purged –
but an unknown number of these voters didn’t know until Election Day.
But I didn’t have much of a sense of how frequently the purging would
actually prevent voters from voting until I read Professor Miller’s book.
In that book, Miller recounts his conversations with Denise Shull, a poll checker
in Summit County. During the course of her work on Election Day, Shull noted
that approximately 10% to 20% of registered Democratic voters on her list were
not on the official list of registered voters. Furthermore – and this
is very important – these voters were described as ardent Democrats, as
long time voters in the area, AND most of them were not voting. A possible reason
for their not voting is suggested by an encounter that Shull had with one of
these voters as the voter (or more precisely, non-voter) was leaving the polls.
This voter was simply told that she couldn’t vote and was given a phone
number to call. And even more disturbing, Shull noted three of her fellow Democratic
volunteers who described to her very much the same phenomenon occurring at the
polling places where they worked that day.
What Shull describes not only provides confirmation that legally registered
voters were purged from the voter rolls prior to the 2004 election, but indicates
that most of these voters ended up not voting. What effect would this have had
on the net vote count?
As I noted above, I calculated that with some modest targeting of Democratic
voters, the purging of voters in Cleveland alone would have resulted in a net
loss to Kerry of about 46 thousand votes. Targeting of Democratic voters in
Cleveland could have been done relatively easily, since Cleveland is heavily
Democratic (voted 83% for Kerry, 16% for Bush in 2004), and many precincts in
Cleveland voted more than 90% for Kerry. In order to target Democratic voters
in Cleveland, one would merely have had to pick out those precincts with a history
of voting 90% or more for Gore in the last election.
But what about Summit County, the county where Denise Shull and other Democratic
volunteers described on-the-ground evidence of voter registration purging, and
where only 57% of voters voted for Kerry. Voter purging in Summit County would
have been much less efficient than voter purging in Cuyahoga County, because
any voter purging that occurred would have included a large proportion of Republicans
as well as Democrats. Unless ….
How could voter purging be made more efficient in counties with large
percentages of Republican voters?
Miller’s book also describes a break-in at Democratic Party headquarters
in Akron, Summit County, in the summer of 2004. The only thing stolen was two
computers with Democratic campaign-related information on them. A similar break-in
occurred three months later in Lucas County, and was described by the Toledo
Blade. One can guess that with voter information obtained from these computers,
the targeting of Democratic voters in these two counties could have been made
a lot more efficient than it could have been without that information.
So, we now have:
1) A discrepancy of more than a hundred thousand between New
York Times (and other newspapers) reports of a massive increase in new voter
registration and official Secretary of State figures in Cuyahoga County alone.
2) Partial confirmation of the above from the Greater Cleveland
Voter Registration Coalition, which shows a similar (though lesser) discrepancy
3) An explanation for the above discrepancies from the identification
of the apparently illegal and targeted purging of 165,000 Cuyahoga County voters.
4) On the ground confirmation of voter purging of an unknown
but probably huge number of voters, from Mark Crispin Miller’s new book.
5) Also from professor Miller’s new book, a probable
explanation for how Democratic voters were targeted for the voter purging (via
the theft of computers containing Democratic voter registration information).
6) From point number 1 above I calculated a net loss to Kerry
of about 46,000 votes. But that calculation is based on the discrepancy between
official figures and the newspaper reports of 111,000, not the 165,000 purged
Cuyahoga County voters identified by Dr. Lovegren. AND, it doesn’t assume
the ability to specifically target Democratic voters. With specific targeting
of Democratic voters, that number could be much larger. AND, that’s just
for Cuyahoga County.
7) The discrepancy between the official figures and the newspaper
reports involves much more than Cuyahoga County. And the evidence in Professor
Miller’s book also involves counties other than Cuyahoga. When other voter
registration fraud from other counties (for which we don’t have specific
numbers) is added to that from Cuyahoga County, who can tell how many votes
John Kerry lost in Ohio?
8) Just about the only thing missing at this point is for
someone from Diebold (who handled much of the voter registration in Ohio, including
Cuyahoga Co.) to tell us how this was done. Isn’t anyone from the mainstream
media interested in this?