Untitled Document
Since the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq, there have been three elections
and one “transfer of sovereignty”. However, the situation on the
ground in Iraq has further deteriorated. What have changed are the pretexts
for ongoing terror and occupation. The U.S. administration is using elections
as smokescreen to manipulate public opinion and legitimise the subjugation of
the Iraqi people to a colonial dictatorship.
As the U.S. and its collaborators failed to control Iraq on the ground –
due to a determined Iraqi Resistance –, they turned to the air to rain
their daily terror on the Iraqi people. With the complete silence of the “international
community”, U.S. warplanes are targeting population centres opposed to
the Occupation. The U.S. air war of the 1990s is being re-enacted again in full
force. This time the U.S. is not enforcing genocidal sanctions and “no-fly
zones” – that killed more than 2 million Iraqis –, but to
prop up a puppet government of criminals and thugs, and in the process instil
fear and terror among the Iraqi population.
Even the Washington Post – the mouthpiece of U.S. terror – acknowledging
the fact that U.S. aerial attacks on Iraqi towns and villages with high civilian
population are indiscriminate and deliberately killing innocent Iraqis. In one
of these attacks more than 80 civilians – hospital records show 97 –
were killed when U.S. warplanes bombed the town of Husaybah in the first week
of November 2005. The number of airstrikes carried out each month has risen
to five folds, from roughly 25 in January to 120 in November. After U.S. warplanes
struck homes in Kamaliyat neighbourhood “witnesses observed residents
removing the bodies of what neighbours said was a family -- mother, father,
14-year-old girl, 11-year-old boy and 5-year-old boy -- from the rubble of one
house” reported the Post.
On Tuesday midnight 27 December 2005, U.S. warplanes attacked a house in Al-Dolouieya,
90 km north of Baghdad destroying the house and killing a father along with
two of his daughters, one aged 12. While the Post is a deceptive U.S. propaganda
mouthpiece, nevertheless it sheds a dim light on the U.S.-driven terror in Iraq.
From the beginning of this criminal war, Iraqi civilians have always been the
victims of U.S. terror. The “Shock and Awe” terror is just an example
of indiscriminate mass murder. In October 2004, the reputed and peer-reviewed
British medical journal the Lancet reported that the majority of the estimated
100,000+ Iraqi deaths were civilians killed by U.S. air bombardments of population
centres and Iraq’s infrastructure, including ministries and cultural heritage.
The aim is not only to kill as much Iraqis as possible but also to trigger the
collapse of the Iraqi society through the destruction of Iraq’s cultural
values and institutions.
After three years of the same, George Bush still has the courage to tell Western
leaders and U.S. allies that the terror against the Iraqi people must continue
until “victory” is achieved. The U.S. is refusing to withdraw its
army from Iraq alleging that the Iraqis are not ready yet to rule themselves.
This contempt on the part of the U.S. is evident of the West racist and anti-Arab
colonial ideology of deep-seated belief in cultural superiority to indigenous
peoples. It should be borne in mind that the dismantling of the Iraqi army and
police by the U.S. Administration was designed to encourage insecurity and enforce
sectarian divisions.
By replacing the army and the police with expatriates and U.S.-trained militia
gangs, whose loyalty to the Iraqi state is weak and questionable, the U.S has
deliberately increased the violence and fraternal killings. The U.S. financed
and armed these militia gangs, and allowed them to operate freely. These militia
gangs are bent more on advancing their ethnic and religious interests than on
defending the nation and preserving national unity. By doing so the U.S. ensured
obedience and dependence. In other words, the U.S. aim is to cement sectarianism
and ethnic division, and destroy Iraq’s unity and national identity.
Meanwhile the third fraudulent elections have been rejected before the final
results become public. Iraqis were en mass protesting the rigged elections.
‘No democracy without real elections’, ‘rigged polls’,
and ‘down with the electoral commission’, read a number of banners
carried by thousands of protesters in Baghdad. In Mosul, anger flared around
the university campus after the body of Qusay Salaheddin, president of the student
union, who organised two demonstrations against the fraudulent elections results,
was identified. He had been kidnapped on 22 December 2005 with one of his friends.
The two bodies were found two days later, handcuffed and shot in the head. It
is American-style democracy at gunpoint. Out of touch with reality and playing
its role as the handmaiden of Western imperialism, the UN declared the elections
“transparent and credible”.
The purpose of the elections has always been to provide enough propaganda to
manipulate public opinions, Americans in particular, and legitimise the Occupation.
The elections are imposed from outside at gunpoint. The elections were illegal,
undemocratic, and based on sectarianism rather than politics. The goal is to
produce a puppet government bent on carrying out Washington’s orders.
Elections will not change the situation on the ground; the end of the Occupation
and the return of Iraqi sovereignty will. Iraqis voted in the elections because
they genuinely believe that the election provide a peaceful way to end the Occupation.
It was a trap.
It is shameful to read the opinions of Western “progressive” élites,
particularly those on “the Left”, praising these imperialist elections
as “democratic” elections, “forced by the Iraqi people on
U.S. leaders”. To the contrary, the elections were forced on the Iraqis
by more than 200,000 U.S. forces and mercenaries to provide propaganda for domestic
consumption. Unaware that only a full U.S. withdrawal from Iraq will bring the
possibility of democracy and freedom, the progressive élites parrot Bush’s
“war on terror” and “spread of democracy” distortions.
The reason the U.S. has failed to control Iraq and implements its imperialist
strategy – advancing Israel's Zionist interests and controlling Iraq’s
oil resources – is due to the determination and courage of the Iraqi Resistance
against the Occupation and its variants. Historical evidence shows that democracy
is not a U.S. trade mark. The U.S. is using democracy as smokescreen to conceal
its failed imperialist agenda. The vast majority of the peoples of the Middle
East view the U.S. and Britain, in particular, as enemies of democracy and freedom.
Resistance is the only answer to unjust and violent imperialism, and Iraqis
have no need for this murderous form of democracy.
To counter the anti-occupation Iraqi Resistance, the U.S. and its collaborators,
including the mainstream media, are deliberately misleading the public by describing
the Resistance as “insurgency” and “foreign terrorists”.
The Iraqi Resistance is not an “insurgency”. Insurgency is an organized
rebellion aimed at overthrowing a legitimate and constituted government by force,
such as the Contras, a U.S. proxy terrorist gang used against the legitimate
government of Nicaragua in the late 1980s. There is nothing legitimate about
the U.S. Occupation and its puppet government in Iraq. The unwelcome “foreigners”
in Iraq are U.S. forces and their collaborators. This distortion of the fact
is part of U.S. psychological warfare not only against the Iraqi people but
also against the rest of the world.
According to the recent report by foreign policy expert, Anthony Cordesman
of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), the percentage
of foreign fighters among Iraqi Resistance groups is “well below 10 per
cent, and may well be closer to 4 per cent to 6 per cent”. However, Iraqis
are of the opinion that they are resisting the Occupation on their own with
no support from the surrounding stooges and tin-pot dictators.
The U.S. message is clear: there is no national resistance to the Occupation,
but groups of “foreign fighters” and “terrorists”. The
aim is to distort the image of the Iraqi Resistance and justify a U.S. “counterinsurgency”
against it. The opposite is true. There is a genuine heterogeneous national
Iraqi Resistance movement supported not only by the majority of the Iraqi population
but also by the majority of the Muslim population. The aim of the Resistance
is the liberation of Iraq from foreign occupation. The Iraqi Resistance has
publicly condemned all violence against civilians, including the well-publicised
grotesque beheading designed to blacken the name of Islam and the Resistance.
It is important to make clear distinction between legitimate resistance that
targets the occupying forces and their collaborators, from those who indiscriminately
target civilians.
UN Resolution 2649 adopted by the General Assembly on 30 November 1970, “affirms
the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under colonial and alien domination
recognised as being entitled to the right of self-determination to restore to
themselves that right by any means at their disposal”. In May 2003, the
UN declared the invasion of Iraq “illegal” and in contravention
of the UN Charter. In other words, the Iraqi people have an inalienable right
to resist foreign occupation.
As for the UN complicity in the crimes against the Iraq people by legitimising
the U.S.-British Occupation of Iraq, the UN Security Council has no power to
alter the norms governing international law. “Any Security Council attempt
to condone, authorize, or approve violations of the Four Geneva Conventions
of 1949, the 1907 Hague Regulations, the humanitarian provisions of Additional
Protocol I of 1977 to the Four Geneva Conventions of 1949, and the customary
international laws of war by the United States and the United Kingdom in Iraq
would be ultra vires, a legal
nullity, and void ab initio”, writes Francis A. Boyle, professor of
law and an expert on international law at the University of Illinois.
In addition, the majority of the Iraqi people reject the Occupation. A recent
poll conducted by the British Ministry of Defence in August 2005 reveals that
over 82 per cent of Iraqis are “strongly opposed” to the presence
of the occupying forces in Iraq. If one excludes the Kurdish region of Iraq
– where the U.S. has some support – from the poll, the anti-Occupation
sentiment is even higher. Less than 1 per cent of Iraqis think the Occupation
forces are responsible for any improvement in security. This small group includes;
expatriates, who entered Iraq on the backs of U.S. tanks and a minority of urban
elites who have unrealistic and flawed image of U.S. “democracy”.
George Bush refusal to set time for the withdrawal of U.S. forces from Iraq
is not only contrary to the wishes of the Iraqi people to be free, but also
in contradiction of the “tentative agreement” reached on 21 November
2005 at the Arab League-sponsored Cairo conference, by Iraqi leaders, including
the current puppet government. It follows that the Iraqi Resistance against
the Occupation and associated violence is a legitimate resistance fighting for
Iraqis right for self-determination and Iraq’s independence.
While the aim of the Iraqi Resistance is the liberation of Iraq from foreign
occupation, the U.S. aim has been to distort the image of the Resistance and
associate it with terrorism. The issue of terrorism arose once the occupying
powers (U.S. and Britain) failed to justify the invasion of Iraq, and the surprise
and immediate rejection of the Occupation by the Iraqi people. Thus, the U.S.
and its collaborators embarked on distorting the image of the Iraqi Resistance
by gross manipulation of the media and therefore of the public. Allegations
of attacks on civilians, kidnappings of foreigners and the old imperialist cliché
of labelling the resistance as bands of “terrorists” and “insurgents”
were just few of the distorted images. The creation of Al-Zarqawi phantom is
a good case in point. As Iraqis say; “If Al-Zarqawi is not dead, he is
happily living on an American base”.
According to the CSIS report, operations carried out during the period from
September 2003 to October 2004 by the Resistance and aimed at U.S. and other
occupying forces constitute 75 per cent of all attacks, compared to 4.1 per
cent aimed at Iraqi civilians. However, the report does not provide evidence
that attacks on civilians was carried out by the genuine Iraqi Resistance groups.
The Iraqi Resistance has nothing to gain from crimes against civilians; it is
the aim of the U.S. forces to terrorise the population and turn them against
the Resistance.
The bombing of crowded markets and mosques during time of prayers, and the
capture by Iraqi Police of two British SAS officers planting bombs in civilian
areas in Basra last October is evident of how far the U.S. and its collaborators
will get to distort the image of the Iraqi Resistance and justify ongoing Occupation.
Italian journalist Giuliana Sgrena of the daily Il Manifesto, who was taken
hostage and was freed on 04 March 2005, recalled that her captors had warned
her to be cautious of the Americans after her release. Although, she had dismissed
the caution as “superfluous and ideological”, she recalled the words
when the U.S. marines shoot at her car killing Mr. Nicola Calipari, an Italian
intelligent agent. “They declared that they were committed to the fullest
to freeing me but I had to be careful, ‘the Americans don’t want
you to go back’”, wrote Sgrena. There is no reason not to believe
her story, as Sgrena was not part of the circus of imbedded journalism and have
reported crimes of rape and abuses of Iraqis by U.S. forces.
The German-Iraqi archaeologist, Susanne Osthoff, who was held hostage by a
group of anti-Occupation fighters described her captors as; “poor people
[and I] cannot blame them for kidnapping me, as they cannot enter the [fortified
and heavily guarded] Green Zone [in Baghdad] to kidnap Americans. I was treated
well … they were not criminals [and their action] was political”,
she said in an interview after her release. Yet, any comparison with the Occupation’s
crimes of torture and murder of Iraqi prisoners and detainees is unwarranted.
As the terror becoming unbearable, the Council of Nineveh Province has called
on the “international community” to put an end to the daily “crimes
committed by the American occupation forces assisted by members of the Interior
Special Forces and National Guard”. The communiqué specifically
accuses the occupation forces, the Iranian-trained Badr militia and the Kurdish
militia of committing crimes of “rape of Iraqi women”, ethnic cleansing
of Arab Iraqis in Kirkuk, Mosul and Tel Afar. “The Iraqi Government is
partner to all of these crimes in the absence of the media and in particular
the killing and kidnapping of journalists by mercenaries of the occupation …
to enable the slaughter of Iraqi people without witnesses”, added the
communiqué. Of course, the silence of the “international community”
is deafening.
It is noteworthy that Iraqis, who are the hostages of the victims of the Occupation,
show great solidarity with foreign hostages held in Iraq and often demonstrated
and demanded their release. With no reciprocity, the silence of Westerners and
the lack of solidarity with the Iraqi people demonstrate the ignorance and moral
passivity of the West. The failure of Westerners to hold their leaders accountable
for a war of aggression and war crimes committed in their name against the Iraqi
people is evident of flawed and distorted democracy at home.
While the U.S. terror against the Iraqi people continues, it is incumbent on
the people of the world, including the American people, who have concern for
peace and the rules of law to show their solidarity with the Iraqi people. It
is time to stand up against fascism by demanding the full and immediate withdrawal
of U.S. forces from Iraq.
Global Research Contributing Editor Ghali Hassan
lives in Perth, Western Australia