Yesterday, Walter Pincus reported
in The Washington Post about the Defense Department's Counterintelligence
Field Activity (CIFA), certainly one of the more mysterious Pentagon
agencies, and one that is at the center of the Defense Department's expanded
programs aimed at gathering and analyzing intelligence within the United States.
Proposals, Pincus said,"would transform CIFA from an office that coordinates
Pentagon security efforts -- including protecting military facilities from attack
-- to one that also has authority to investigate crimes within the United States
such as treason, foreign or terrorist sabotage or even economic espionage."
Well, CIFA already has these authorities, has its own agents, and collects information
on common American citizens under the guise of "sabotage" and "force
protection" threats to the military. Since 9/11, functions that were previously
intended to protect U.S. forces overseas from terrorism and protecti U.S. secrets
from spies have been combined in one super-intelligence function that constitutes
the greatest threat to U.S. civil liberties since the domestic spying days of
On May 2, 2003, Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz
signed a memorandum
(large pdf) directing the military to collect and report "non-validated
threat information" relating to U.S. military forces, installations or
missions. His memorandum followed from the establishment of the Domestic Threat
Working Group after 9/11, the intent of which was to create a mechanism to share
low-level domestic "threat information" between the military and intelligence
It is the military's equivalent of the FBI and intelligence community's post
9/11 shift, and Wolfowitz directed the sharing of reports on ambiguous activity.
This new reporting mechanism -- called TALON for Threat and Local Observation
Notice -- applies to seven reporting categories:
Test of security
Unusual repetitive activity
Other suspicious activity
According to a classified Standing Joint Force Headquarters-North
document on "intelligence sharing" dated July 20, 2005, and obtained
exclusively by this washingtonpost.com blogger, collection of intelligence on
U.S. persons is allowed by military intelligence units if there is a reason
to believe the U.S. person is:
"Connected to international terrorist activities;
Connected to international narcotics;
Connected to foreign intelligence;
A threat to DoD installations, property, or persons; or,
The subject of authorized counterintelligence."
In other words, some military gumshoe or over-zealous commander just
has to decide that someone is "a threat to" the military.
Under well-worn intelligence oversight rules, military intelligence units are
restricted from collecting information concerning "U.S. persons,"
but the post 9/11 reality is these restrictions are increasingly meaningless.
What is more, the post 9/11 redefinition of "counter-intelligence"
opens the way for the military to conduct domestic surveillance. Military law
enforcement organizations such as the Air Force Office of Special Investigations
(AFOSI), the Army Criminal Investigations Division (CID) and its domestic counter-intelligence
brigade, and the Naval Criminal Investigative Service (NCIS) have increasing
domestic duties that straddle the world between "counter-intelligence"
and law enforcement, and are the main sources for TALON reporting to CIFA.
Ever since 1998, when Secretary of Defense William Cohen went
crazy building up a cover-your-ass force
protection policy, the law enforcement arms have increasingly moved from
traditional counter-intelligence missions of going after enemy spies to going
after, well, whomever they deem as a "threat" to the military. Overseas,
this makes sense, but in the United States, the counter-intelligence/force protection
loophole is ripe for abuse.
The "counter-intelligence" function of CIFA itself is couched to
encompass "force protection," according to DOD
Directive Number 5105.67, "Counterintelligence Field Activity (DoD
CIFA)," February 19, 2002. What is more, the directive states that "in
carrying out the mission of these elements, the Director of the DoD CIFA may
employ law enforcement personnel, in whole or in part, as appropriate, to carry
out the DoD CIFA's law enforcement functions…"
CIFA is charged with correlating TALON information with all-source intelligence
and providing "fused" products. In this regard, fused products are
raw law enforcement and FBI reports relating to suspected domestic terrorism,
NSA intercepts, and CIA and military intelligence reports that might bear upon
Cornerstone is the new repository for this combined intelligence
and TALON threat reporting. It originated in May 2000, when Deputy Secretary
of Defense John Hamre established a requirement to track foreign visitors to
DOD installations. Post 9/11, the database came to encompass not intelligence
and investigative leads to support foreign visitor tracking, but also "insider
threat" information, counter-intelligence, law enforcement support, counter-terrorism,
and force protection. Under a new program -- Project Voyager
-- the Cornerstone database is being improved to support coordination with local,
state and federal law enforcement.
When one looks at the seven TALON reporting categories, it is clear that what
is to be collected is broad enough to encompass virtually anything the military
feels is a threat. "Non-specific threats" and "other suspicious
activity" can be interpreted to include just about anything.
"Elicitation," for instance, is defined in TALON documents
"Any attempts to obtain security-related or military-specific
information by anyone who does not have the appropriate security clearance
and the need-to-know. Elicitation attempts may be made by mail, fax, telephone,
by computer, or in person."
Ask questions of a military person about their tour in Iraq, protest
about the presence of military recruiters on campus or at the Mall, engage in
lawful protest against the Iraq war, and you could find yourself in the Cornerstone
database, forever a "suspect." Tomorrow I'll write about how this
is really happening.
CIFA not only manages the Cornerstone database, but it also "makes the
determination whether to release information about U.S. persons to analysts."
In other words, CIFA as both a "counter-intelligence" and law enforcement
arm of the Pentagon bridges between two worlds, and is allowed to obtain and
store information about American citizens. I hope that there are a lot of lawyers
on the staff.
And there's the rub. One can hardly find out who the director of this organization
is, let alone how many people work there are what they are really doing.