Untitled Document
The Pennsylvania Republican’s freelance spying has once again
brought a discredited arms dealer's fabrications to the CIA.
Countdown to Terror, Representative Curt Weldon's sensationalistic new book
about his personal struggle to combat the Iranian terrorism threat despite the
alleged resistance of the CIA, is based entirely on the Pennsylvania Republican's
freelance communications with a secret source he code-named "Ali."
Much of Weldon's book, which will be released next week by Regnery Publishing,
consists of reproduced pages of comically overwrought "intelligence"
memos faxed from the Iranian émigré’s Paris location to
Weldon’s office between 2003 and 2004.
“Dear Curt,” reads one memo excerpt from “Ali” published
by Weldon. “An attack against an atomic plant by a plane, the name mentioned,
but not clear it begins with ‘SEA’ … [Seattle?].” Another
reads: “Dear Curt: … I confirm again a terrorist attack within the
United States is planned before the American elections."
But in an exclusive interview with The American Prospect, Weldon's
"Ali" -- who was identified in an April
article by me and Jeet Heer as Fereidoun Mahdavi, a frail, elderly former
minister of commerce in the shah’s government and a longtime business
associate of Iran-Contra arms dealer Manucher Ghorbanifar -- said he was stunned
and perplexed to learn that Weldon had used his information to write a book,
emphasizing that Weldon never even told him about the book.
Mahdavi also said that the bulk of the information that he had provided to
Weldon was originally sourced from none other than Ghorbanifar, the subject
of a rare CIA “burn notice” after the agency found him to be a "fabricator"
more than two decades ago during the Iran-Contra affair.
“Many information that I have given to Weldon is coming from Ghorbanifar,”
said Mahdavi, who was reached in Paris by telephone on June 6. “Because
Ghorbanifar used me, in fact, to pass that stuff because I know he has problems
in Washington.”
The former minister continued: “I am well-known in Tehran. How can I
call Tehran? But Ghorbanifar is something else. He has all the contacts within
Iran. Nobody has so many information and contacts that he has. Now if he is
using that information through me to try to buy power indirectly, that is his
business. I do it because I have known him for many years.”
Several Iranian exile associates of the pair have told the Prospect that Mahdavi,
living in reduced circumstances and caring for his cancer-stricken wife, is
in fact financially dependent on Ghorbanifar. They have been involved in various
businesses together, from petroleum shipping to arms dealing to (more recently)
intelligence peddling, since both washed up in Paris after the Iranian revolution
in 1979.
Although Mahdavi expresses understanding of the motives of his old pal and
business partner Ghorbanifar, he says he is utterly baffled by Weldon’s
decision to use his information as the foundation of a book that the congressman
never once mentioned to him.
“I assume that if [Weldon] wanted to publish a book, I assure you I would
have heard it,” Mahdavi said initially, in disbelief that Weldon would
publish the book without even a phone call. “I am just surprised that
you tell me he has a book coming out … .”
Hours later, after receiving a fax with a Congressional Quarterly article about
Weldon’s forthcoming book and the amazon.com book description, Mahdavi
spoke again in shock and anger.
“Someone is using me for their purposes,” he raged. “How
is it possible that something like that book comes out and the people who publish
it don’t inform me? Don’t you think that’s strange? What I
cannot understand is, if you had not called me and told me there is a book coming
out from Weldon, I would have never known about it. You informed me. But this
is now, I am sure, there is a fight between all these [U.S. government] organizations,
and they are using this issue and using me.”
Among those who agree is the former senior CIA official who met with Mahdavi
in response to Weldon’s pressure on the agency to accept the Mahdavi/Ghorbanifar
information. The tale of "Ali" suggests that the agency is assiduously
seeking to weed out another fabricator like Ghorbanifar (or Iraqi fabulist Ahmad
Chalabi) from corrupting U.S. intelligence information on Iran.
Bill Murray, a former CIA station chief in Paris, met with me on June 9 at
a northern Virginia shopping mall to talk about Weldon's assault on the agency.
Still doing contract work for the CIA since his recent retirement, Murray chose
to speak up about the agency’s role in vetting and determining “Ali’s”
information to be fabrications -- “émigré babble" --
because Weldon has publicly savaged the CIA in his book. By speaking with reporters,
Murray believes he could be risking his contract work, but he’s outraged
over what he considers disingenuous attacks by the Pennsylvania congressman.
“Someone’s got to stand up,” Murray said. “I spent
35 years doing this job, mainly in the Middle East. My guideline is well-sourced
intelligence to help shape policy. That’s what I did; that’s what
my people did. That is my standard, the integrity standard. And this man [Weldon]
is attacking our integrity. And I’m not going to sit back and ignore it.”
Indeed, Murray describes very extensive personal efforts to ascertain the quality
of Mahdavi's information, including four meetings and many phone conversations,
as well as the creation of a secure phone line for Mahdavi to transmit his material
to the U.S. government. (As the chief of station at the U.S. Embassy, Murray
would normally have sent a junior officer to meet with a potential source like
Mahdavi; instead, Murray went himself.)
According to Murray, Mahdavi only sent two faxes on the secure line -- one
with all the information he had already sent Weldon and Michael Ledeen, the
neoconservative scholar and longtime Ghorbanifar champion, and another with
a plan to overthrow the mullahs in Tehran. Murray says he firmly told Mahdavi
that he was not willing to receive such plans, because overthrowing the Iranian
government is not U.S. policy.
He also said that during those meetings and calls, several things became clear
rather quickly about Weldon's informant.
“Mahdavi works for Ghorbanifar,” said Murray, noting that the agency
still forbids its employees from dealing with the colorful, fast-talking arms
dealer. “The two are inseparable. Ghorbanifar put Mahdavi out to meet
with Weldon … . Ghorbanifar decided to have a cutout.” When Mahdavi
consistently refused to provide any information to verify the credibility of
his sources or their increasingly outlandish allegations, Murray determined
that the information was a mix of fabrications, babble, and useless political
analysis.
“I don’t feed sensationalistic garbage to American political leaders,”
Murray said, “without some reason to believe that it is well-sourced or
true. . . My generation is not risk-averse. We are just averse to feeding garbage
into the system.”
“This man [Mahdavi] never said a single thing that you could look back
later and he said it would happen and it did happen,” the retired station
chief continued. “He refused to give me any information that would indicate
he actually had access to people in Iran who had access to that information.”
Murray also indicated that Mahdavi repeatedly requested U.S. government payment
of approximately $150,000 so that he could pay his debts in Iran and help institute
political changes there. Despite Weldon's constant urgings, the CIA was unwilling
to provide any such payment.
Moreover, said Murray, Weldon himself violated U.S. government protocol by
failing to report his encounters with Mahdavi in France to the U.S. ambassador
when asked whether he planned any meetings there while being hosted by the embassy
in April 2004. According to Murray, Weldon denied he had planned any meetings
-- and then proceeded to meet with both Mahdavi and Ghorbanifar, the subject
of the CIA burn notice, at the Sofitel hotel around the corner from the U.S.
Embassy.
Murray added that Weldon now plans to have his new book translated into Farsi
and smuggled into Iran, as well as having it broadcast into Iran on the Los
Angeles-based Iranian diaspora radio stations.
This curious behavior raises questions about Weldon’s motives. Is he
a naïf getting taken in by two geopolitical hucksters? Or is his treatment
of Mahdavi a kind of political opportunism all its own?
Apparently Weldon has treated his allies as poorly as his new enemies at the
CIA. In March, his spokesman told the Prospect that Weldon’s book was
being co-written by a former CIA analyst and longtime Weldon congressional staffer
named Peter Vincent Pry. Indeed, Pry is the named recipient of several of the
Mahdavi memos published in Weldon’s book, and Mahdavi acknowledges meeting
with Pry and Weldon.
But when copies of Weldon’s book appeared this week, Pry’s name
was nowhere to be found in the author credits. Meanwhile another book on Iran
and terrorism by Kenneth Timmerman, a right-leaning journalist long interested
in Mideast affairs, is due to be published by Crown next week as Countdown to
Crisis, a title almost identical to that of Weldon’s book. Timmerman told
the Prospect that Regnery changed Weldon’s title to imitate Timmerman’s
after publicity materials about the Timmerman book appeared on Crown’s
Web site.
So much for squabbling among right-wing authors.
What’s far more important, says Murray, is that Weldon’s freelance
007 crusade to be his own spymaster has ultimately done a disservice to the
American people and to national security.
“Most of us [CIA officers] have been consumed with preventing real terrorist
threats to the U.S. for the past four years,” he said with a fierce squint.
“And virtually everything Ghorbanifar and his people come up with diverts
us. I have hard-working people working for me, and they don’t have time
for this bullshit.”