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To fight what it sees as an insidious propaganda war waged by militants,
from incendiary Web sites to one-sided television images of the Iraq war, the
Pentagon has been quietly waging its own information battle throughout the Middle
East and Central Asia.
One of its primary weapons is a secretive firm that has been criticized
as ineffective and too expensive.
The Rendon Group, directed by former Democratic Party political operative
John Rendon, has garnered more than $56 million in work from the Pentagon since
the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.
These contracts list such activities as tracking foreign reporters; "pushing"
news favorable to U.S. forces; planting television news segments that promote
American positions; and creating a grass-roots voting effort in Puerto Rico
on behalf of the U.S. Navy, according to Pentagon records.
The contracts, some of which were obtained by the watchdog group Judicial Watch
through a Freedom of Information Act request, reveal that the Bush administration
is engaged in a constant war of images and words with al-Qaida and other radical
groups.
Seen as necessity
Civilian and military leaders say the contracts are necessary to fight the media
wars waged by Islamic fundamentalists who control images on television, radio
and the Internet in some Arab countries.
But proponents of open government question the role of firms such as the Rendon
Group, suggesting that their work blurs the line between legitimate news and
propaganda.
Also, Americans have long been nervous about the notion of the government's
managing information.
To the extent that the Pentagon is attentively studying media publications,
there's nothing wrong with that, said Steven Aftergood, a secrecy expert at
the Federation of American Scientists.
"Where it gets questionable is when they start engaging in media-based
operations," Aftergood said, meaning actually distributing news items.
"And that's something that needs to be carefully circumscribed and defined
in policy, because there is no clear line between the foreign media and U.S.
media."
The Rendon Group is perhaps best known for its part in the controversy
that surrounded the Pentagon's short-lived Office of Strategic Influence nearly
four years ago. A February 2002 New York Times article disclosed the office's
existence and reported that the company was part of the effort, which possibly
included attempts to plant false new stories abroad.
After public and congressional outcry, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld
shut down the office.
But John Rendon, who until now has declined to discuss the episode, said in
an interview last week that the news stories were wrong and that his company
never worked for the Office of Strategic Influence.
"That wasn't us," Rendon said. "The whole notion of putting
false news stories abroad, that was never us."
Retired Air Force Brig. Gen. S. Pete Worden, who directed the Office of Strategic
Influence during its short life, confirmed by e-mail that the Rendon Group did
not work for his office.
"[Rendon] is correct that he didn't work directly for my office,"
Worden wrote. "Most of the actual work we did was through SAIC," or
Science Applications International Corp., a large defense contractor.
Shaping coverage
Rendon has, however, played a substantial role in the Pentagon's efforts to
track and shape media coverage of the Iraq and Afghan conflicts and the war
on terror.
Rendon has at least five contracts with the Department of Defense, according
to the newly obtained records. A full list of the contracts given to Judicial
Watch by the Pentagon totals about $45 million.
The work began in 2000 and continues today, the contracts show. They include
work, supervised by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, for the Air Force, Army, Navy
and Defense Advance Research Projects Agency.
Most recently, Rendon was awarded a $6.4 million contract in September to track
media coverage in Iraq.
Rendon also won a $1.4 million contract in 2004 to advise the staff of Afghan
President Hamid Karzai, and a $3.9 million contract to work on a counter-narcotics
campaign within the Afghan Interior Ministry.
The Rendon Group's costs were an issue among CIA staff members during the group's
earlier work with the CIA and Pentagon. Rendon once received a CIA contract
of $20 million to $40 million, according to former employees, to advise the
then-London-based Iraqi National Congress and its leader, Ahmad Chalabi.
The Pentagon offices that work with Rendon - the Joint Chiefs of Staff and
the Office of Special Operations and Low Intensity Conflict - declined to comment.
So did Douglas Feith, who recently resigned as under secretary of defense for
policy.
Rendon's previous experience positioned him well for the Pentagon's new war
needs.
Rendon worked in the political world until 1989, when he took a job advising
the Panamanian opposition on how to handle the media during the U.S. invasion
to oust dictator Manuel Noriega.
He took up similar jobs after that, including advising the Kuwaiti government
after Iraqi troops invaded in August 1990.
When the Sept. 11 attacks occurred, Rendon already had an active Pentagon contract.
"This is really probably the 10th or ninth time we've done this kind of
work, going all the way back to Panama, with the exception of Somalia,"
Rendon said. "Nobody else has done this."