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Yet another sordid chapter in the murky annals of Halliburton might
well lead to the indictment of Dick Cheney by a French court on charges of bribery,
money-laundering and misuse of corporate assets.
At the heart of the matter is a $6 billion gas liquification factory built
in Nigeria on behalf of oil mammoth Shell by Halliburton--the company Cheney
headed before becoming Vice President--in partnership with a large French petroengineering
company, Technip. Nigeria has been rated by the anticorruption watchdog Transparency
International as the second-most corrupt country in the world, surpassed only
by Bangladesh.
One of France's best-known investigating magistrates, Judge Renaud van Ruymbeke--who
came to fame by unearthing major French campaign finance scandals in the 1990s
that led to a raft of indictments--has been conducting a probe of the Nigeria
deal since October. And, three days before Christmas, the Paris daily Le Figaro
front-paged the news that Judge van Ruymbeke had notified the Justice Ministry
that Cheney might be among those eventually indicted as a result of his investigation.
According to accounts in the French press, Judge van Ruymbeke believes that some
or all of $180 million in so-called secret "retrocommissions" paid by
Halliburton and Technip were, in fact, bribes given to Nigerian officials and
others to grease the wheels for the refinery's construction. These reports say
van Ruymbeke has fingered as the bagman in the operation a 55-year-old London
lawyer, Jeffrey Tesler, who has worked for Halliburton for some thirty years.
It was Tesler who was paid the $180 million as a "commercial consultant"
through a Gibraltar-based front company he set up called TriStar. TriStar, in
turn, got the money from a consortium set up for the Nigeria deal by Halliburton
and Technip and registered in Madeira, the Portuguese offshore island where taxes
don't apply. According to Agence France-Presse, a former top Technip official,
Georges Krammer, has testified that the Madeira-based consortium was a "slush
fund" controlled by Halliburton--through its subsidiary Kellogg Brown &
Root--and Technip. Krammer, who is cooperating with the investigation, also swore
that Tesler was imposed as the intermediary by Halliburton over the objections
of Technip.
Tesler is a curious fellow: A veteran operator in Nigeria, he was the financial
adviser to the late dictator Gen. Sani Abacha and controlled his personal fortune,
while at the same time working for Halliburton. Abacha's former Oil Minister,
Dan Etete--who is suspected of having used some of the alleged bribe money to
buy himself fancy apartments in Paris and a chateau in Normandy--was deposed
by Judge van Ruymbeke in December. According to the Journal du Dimanche (a large
Sunday paper), Etete's testimony seemed to confirm the judge's suspicions that
Tesler laundered the $180 million through offshore and other accounts, and that
part of the money wound up in dictator Abacha's coffers. Tesler's bank accounts
in Monaco, Switzerland and elsewhere have been subpoenaed in an effort to find
out where the money went.
Judge van Ruymbeke's authority for his transnational investigation comes from
a law France passed in 2000 against "bribing foreign officials," following
its ratification of a convention adopted by the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development prohibiting bribe-giving in the course of commercial transactions.
The notion that the judge's targeting of Cheney might be in part retaliatory
for the Bush Administration's exclusion of France from Iraq reconstruction contracts
is unlikely: Van Ruymbeke is notoriously independent, and his previous investigations
have been aimed at politicians and parties of both right and left. He's also
no stranger to the unsavory world of oil-and-gas politics, having previously
investigated bribe-giving by the French petrogiant Elf--indeed, it was in the
course of his Elf investigation that van Ruymbeke stumbled upon the Nigerian
deal.
The suspected bribe money was mostly ladled out between 1995 and 2000, when
Cheney was Halliburton's CEO. The Journal du Dimanche reported on December 21
that "it is probable that some of the 'retrocommissions' found their way
back to the United States" and asked, did this money go "to Halliburton's
officials? To officials of the Republican Party?" These questions have
so far gone unasked by America's media, which have completely ignored the explosive
Le Figaro headline revealing the targeting of Cheney. It will be interesting
to see if the US press looks seriously into this ticking time-bomb of a scandal
before the November elections.