Untitled Document
THIS is the story of a journey; one that begins in a drab industrial complex,
shifts to the splendour of luxury hotels and villas, then ricochets across oceans
and continents before its final stage is played out in some beleaguered country.
Though long and tortuous, it’s a trip that invariably finishes swiftly –
at roughly 700 metres per second – and its ultimate destination is death.
This is the story of a 7.62x39mm copper-plated, steel-jacketed, high velocity
cartridge for the famous AK-47 assault rifle, the most commonly used bullet around
the world. The new film Lord Of War – which stars Nicolas Cage as amoral
but charismatic arms dealer Yuri Orlov – opens with a rapid-fire montage
which tells the story of a bullet, from its birth in a manufacturing plant, to
its fatal impact on a child soldier. But what’s the real story behind the
Hollywood device?
As a war reporter, I have often come across AK-47 cartridges. I’ve seen
them stacked in foil-sealed wooden crates in the caves and jungle hideouts of
rebel armies. I’ve watched fighters shoving them into their familiar 30-round
curved box magazines, which in turn are slipped into khaki green canvas pouches
strapped to the bodies of the gunmen for whom they are simply the stock in a
deadly trade. Time and again I’ve been around when they were fired, the
discarded empty casings tinkling to the ground then rolling underfoot in the
dirt and sand of battlefields, murder scenes and massacres, from Bosnia to Iraq,
Congo to Angola.
I’ve even fired them myself. The first time was in the 1980s, while travelling
clandestinely as a reporter in the mountains of Afghanistan with mujahidin guerrillas
fighting the Russian invaders of their country.
“Shoot, shoot, mister Daoud!” insisted the commander of my rebel
hosts for the umpteenth time , as we rested in a remote craggy valley. With
his holy warriors looking on, the commander slotted a full clip of the boat-tailed
bullets into a Soviet-made AK-47 and thrust the weapon towards me. The time
had long since passed for acceptable excuses about journalistic ethics and my
non-combatant status.
Judging by the looks of the fighters around me, this had simply boiled down
to an issue of initiation and acceptance; a very Afghan thing about loyalty
and brotherhood. To refuse now would have made my presence at best uncomfortable,
and at worst, untenable.
A battered plastic bottle was set up as a target. As I squeezed the trigger
and the first rounds cracked against some rocks reasonably close to the bottle,
the gawping bearded guerrillas who had clustered around began to grin. It wasn’t
a question of them ever expecting me to fire in earnest, just about passing
some strange macho muster.
After only minutes of instruction, the ease with which I was able to handle
the rifle was proof of the AK-47’s reputation as a so-called “user-friendly”
weapon. It’s the firearm of choice among mercenary suppliers who know
that those who end up shouldering this oddly toy-like weapon – which fires
600 rounds a minute, each powerful enough to punch a hole through a man’s
chest from 100 yards – will have had little or no proper military training.
Put another way, it’s ideal for everyone from Rwandan peasant farmers
to Liberian schoolkids-turned-killers.
That afternoon, following my noisy initiation in the Hindu Kush mountains,
I picked up a few of the dark copper-coloured shells that lay in the dust to
keep as souvenirs. En route through Pakistan on my way home from Afghanistan,
I suddenly decided to throw them away, ostensibly for fear of being pulled aside
at airport security checks, but also because of some lurking guilt about coveting
a trophy of violence. Pausing to drop them into a bin outside Islamabad airport,
I couldn’t help wondering where these bullets had first come from. How
did these rounds make their way from a high-tech manufacturing plant to the
war-torn wilds of Afghanistan ?
It was, of course, in Russia – Afghanistan’s mighty former communist
neighbour – that the AK-47 (Avtomat Kalashnikova model 1947) rifle, and
those eight-gram bullets , were invented. The brainchild of a second world war
tank sergeant, Mikhail Timofeyevich Kalashnikov, the AK-47 was the weapon favoured
during the cold war years by non-Western powers. Robust, simple, cost-effective,
it was the mainstay of “military assistance programmes,” in which
Russia supplied its communist allies around the world – officially and
unofficially – thus ensuring the AK-47’s global proliferation.
With 100 million AK-47s across the planet, the rifle’s familiar silhouette
is part of modern iconography, making its way onto the flag of the Islamist
Hezbollah movement and the Mozambique national coat of arms. In other African
countries, Kalash – a shortened form of Kalashnikov – has even become
a boys’ name.
Whatever we may think about the morality of arms manufacturing, vast numbers
of AK-47 bullets start life legally in Russia. In the grimy, polluted city of
Tula, 170km south of Moscow, bullet-making is a way of life. This city –
home to 550,000 people and hosting a military garrison of airborne troops, a
16th century kremlin as well as various onion-domed churches and cathedrals
– manufactures only one other product: the samover, Russia’s answer
to the teapot.
Since at least 1940, the Tula Cartridge Plant has been producing rounds that
fit the AK-47. Today it is the biggest domestic and export supplier of the bullets,
which are marketed abroad under the “Wolf” trademark. At the factory,
which resembles a scene from a socialist realist painting, 7.62mm rounds trundle
off the conveyor belt by the million in a choice of either brass or bimetal
jacket with a steel case. These are packed by some of the 7000-strong workforce
into handy boxes of 20, or crated in larger numbers for bulk orders.
Many of the new rounds are likely to be sold through the Russian arms export
agency Rosoboronexport, which also deals in older bullets sourced from cold
war stockpiles. Ever since those tense years four decades ago, Russia and other
central and eastern European countries have been sitting on billions of rounds
manufactured for use in a full-scale war with the West that never came.
“Much of this ammunition is 20 or 30 years old, all from the 1970s and
1980s, so it’s near impossible to check on where they come from, and that’s
just the start of the problem,” insists Alex Vines, a human rights and
Africa analyst who has intensively researched the arms trade. According to Vines,
former Soviet republics desperate for hard currency were only too happy to sell
off their large surplus armouries in the wake of the communist meltdown.
_____
It’s at this point that our bullet, especially if it originates from an
older stockpile, can slip into a far more sinister channel, to become part of
the vast ordnance on offer to a new breed of east European racketeers.
And what a breed they are. Gun-runners extraordinaire, like the Ukrainian Leonid
Minin, or the Russian Victor Bout. Many people say that Yuri Orlov, the character
played by Nicolas Cage in Lord Of War, is based on Victor Bout.
Indeed, the movie’s director, Andrew Niccol, is rumoured to have rented
the Russian-built Antanov cargo plane used in a fictional African arms delivery
scene from Victor Bout himself. In another case of fiction mirroring fact, the
thousands of AK-47s used by extras in the film were bought by Niccol on the
international arms market. Given that the average going rate for an AK-47 in
Africa is $30, it would hardly be surprising. Niccol has said: “I actually
did become an arms dealer in the making of the film in the logistics of making
it. I had to get hold of a tank for a scene and 3000 Kalashnikovs. I bought
real Kalashnikovs because it was cheaper than getting fake ones.” One
can only assume that Niccol was making a political point by showing just how
easy such a transaction is.
Men like Leonid Minin and Victor Bout are typical of the new breed of racketeer.
So it’s possible that, on its journey, our bullet was one of five million
catalogued in documents uncovered during a police raid on room 341 of Minin’s
co-owned luxury Europa Hotel in Cinisello Balsamo, outside Milan, on August
4, 2000. Or perhaps it was among the 113 tons of 7.62 rounds the Ukrainian delivered
by air into the west African country of Ivory Coast just a few weeks earlier
– a dispatch that was revealed in a fax discovered during the same police
operation.
Ironically, the Italian police weren’t there to arrest Minin on any arms
offences. When they crashed through his hotel room door at 3am that August morning,
it was because of a tip-off from an unpaid prostitute. During the raid –
in a scene one reporter described as “straight from a Tarantino film”
– the leader of the so-called Odessa Mafia was found freebasing cocaine,
naked, while flanked by a quartet of call girls.
“The Italian police arrested him for a minor offence and only later found
out who he really is. Then they started to take an interest in the case,”
complains Johan Peleman, a chain-smoking Belgian and one of the world’s
most prominent arms-trade investigators, who has served on several UN expert
panels.
To call Peleman’s task difficult would be the ultimate understatement.
The world in which “bullet detectives” like him operate is characterised
by a complex array of international and local arms brokering syndicates, clandestine
air transport, money laundering, embargo busting and ruthless regimes. It’s
a shopping-in-the-shadows world, where inventories of illegal arms – which
could easily include our bullet – circulate between traders and suppliers.
Then, when a customer is found (usually someone prevented from buying in the
mainstream government markets), our rifle round is shipped by civilian cargo
companies to a transit point, from where it is transported to its final destination
in a war zone.
Fake end-user certificates (EUCs) are the first line of camouflage for the
illegal arms dealers. In theory, these documents are provided by a purchasing
government to guarantee that that country is the ultimate user of the arms being
bought. But it is rarely this simple. “I have come across countless fake
EUCs,” confirms arms analyst Alex Vines.
One such example was the Pecos company of Guinea in West Africa, a front organisation
that supplied a seemingly endless stream of counterfeit EUCs to the arms smuggling
network of Victor Bout (pronounced “butt” in Russian). A former
KGB major, Bout has been referred to as the “poster boy for a new generation
of post-cold war arms dealers”, who play an insidious role in areas where
the weapons trade has been embargoed by the United Nations. Though worldwide
in scope, Bout’s main trafficking beat is the volatile Central African
Great Lakes region, from Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda across the Democratic Republic
of Congo (DRC) to Angola.
A specialist air transport fixer since the early 1990s, Bout has been the overseer
of a complex network of more than 50 aircraft, distributed among several airline
companies and freight-forwarding outfits.
Although the arms merchant – formerly based in the United Arab Emirates
and now rumoured to be in Russia – has been pursued for years by bullet
detectives like Johan Peleman , a positive visual ID only became available when
two Belgian journalists bumped into him at an airstrip in remote rebel-held
Congo in 2001. Bout was then working with Jean-Pierre Bemba, the leader of the
Mouvement Pour La Libération Du Congo.
During that time, one of the journalists, Dirk Draulans, saw two of Victor
Bout’s planes, carrying the registration numbers 9T-ALC and MLC –
both unknown to international aviation authorities. Later, a Belgian researcher
verified that the aircraft had been flying between Uganda and DRC at least until
November 2001.
UN officials have accused Victor Bout of using many “flags of convenience”
and subcontracting arrangements for his aircraft to facilitate illegal arms
and diamond smuggling activities, despite Bout’s assertions that his aircraft
were simply used to deliver supplies to mining sites and take valuable commodities
like coltan and cassiterite out of places like DRC and Angola.
“Landing heavy cargo planes with illicit cargoes in war conditions and
breaking international embargoes such as the one on Angola requires more than
individual effort,” stated a UN report on Angola in December 2000. “It
takes an internationally organised network of individuals, well-funded, well-connected
and well versed in brokering and logistics, with the ability to move illicit
cargo around the world without raising the suspicions of the law. One organisation,
headed, or at least to all appearances outwardly controlled by Victor Bout,
is such an organisation.”
As ever, the UN’s use of earnest rhetoric in pointing out the obvious
is masterful. Across Africa, bullets, guns and other weapons are delivered with
alarming regularity in illegal operations that are chastised in a similarly
feeble manner by global bodies, yet remain immune from direct international
legal action.
In response, campaigners against the arms trade are placing great emphasis
on the need for all states to mark shells and cartridges with codes or marks
denoting batch/lot number, manufacturer and country of manufacture, year of
production and a code identifying the original recipient of the ammunition lot
– such as a police or military force. All of which would help in identifying
the convoluted supply chain either back to its original source or to its real
end-user.
During many years of working across the African continent, I have stood on
countless dirt airstrips watching Soviet-era cargo planes being loaded up with
anything from gold and diamonds, to rocket-propelled grenade launchers and mortars,
much of which has little or no accompanying “paperwork”.
“African conflicts are wasteful of ammunition and are always in need
of more. The guys who carry this stuff in are just flying truck drivers,”
says Alex Vines. He has a point.
In August 2003, at the height of Liberia’s rainy season, I flew into
the capital, Monrovia, on the second humanitarian aid flight ever to have reached
the country since the upsurge of the civil war a few weeks before. The aircraft
was flown by a group of volunteer pilots who told me that days earlier, coming
in to land on the first aid flight, they had almost collided with an unscheduled
incoming cargo plane. “Later we found out it was flying in ammunition
and guns for President Charles Taylor, which some people said was coming from
Libya,” the 58-year-old Swedish pilot told me. “It’s always
the same across Africa, you never know who is flying what.” One member
of the pilot’s own crew even admitted to having “ferried a few bullets”
in his time.
For arms dealers, it’s well worth the risk. According to Johan Peleman,
while it’s difficult to put an accurate figure on the profits men like
Victor Bout make, back in 2002 the Russian was sitting on a fortune. “The
Rwandan government alone owed Bout $21 million. That gives you some idea of
the sums involved in his business. But that doesn’t include barter operations
– arms for coffee or arms for diamonds,” says Peleman.
_______
There is, of course, an altogether different price to be paid for every bullet
that lands in those war-torn African lands . Take the Democratic Republic of
Congo, which has been the focus of Victor Bout’s activities in recent
years. Sustained by the easy availability of bullets and guns, war crimes and
other human rights violations have been widespread and almost non-stop. Extra-judicial
executions, unlawful killings of civilians, torture, rape and other sexual violence,
the use of child soldiers, abductions, looting of villages and forced displacement
are among the atrocities to which bullet suppliers are callously indifferent.
How many rounds delivered by these international dealers in death might have
been used during May and June last year when dissident elements of the RCD-Goma
opposed to the transitional government, took control of the city of Bukavu in
South Kivu province in Democratic Republic of Congo? During the terrible days
that followed, these dissident militias subjected the civilian population to
systematic human rights abuse until government troops retook the city. Many
of the guns and bullets they used were undoubtedly supplied illegally.
More than 60 people were killed and more than 100 women and girls were reportedly
raped, including 17 who were aged 13 or younger. Some were raped as their parents
watched helplessly. One victim was only three years old. Extensive looting was
also commonplace. The abusive acts became known popularly among the militiamen
as “opération TDF” – operation [mobile] telephones,
dollars, daughters – because this is what the soldiers demanded at gunpoint
after forcing their way into civilian homes.
Many of the killings took place during looting, often after the victims had
given all they had or simply because, as one informant told Amnesty International,
“they didn’t like the look on your face”. On more than one
occasion soldiers reportedly levelled their AK-47s at children’s heads
to extort money from householders, demanding dollars for the life of each child.
The victims included Lambert Mobole Bitorwa, who was shot at home in front
of his children; Jolie Namwezi, reportedly shot in front of her children after
she resisted rape; Murhula Kagezi, a student killed at his home while his father
was in the next room fetching a mobile phone to give to the soldiers; and 13-year-old
Marie Chimbale Tambwe, shot dead on the balcony of her home apparently because
a militiaman believed she had pulled a face at him while he was looting in the
street below.
________
This is the bloody endgame in the story of our 7.62x39mm copper-plated, steel-jacketed
bullet . On arrival at its final destination, entering the tissue of its victim,
it usually travels forwards for about 26cm before beginning to yaw. Ballistics
experts and doctors speak then of “damage patterns” – a sanitised
term for the way the bullet rips through abdomens, legs, arms or brains, sometimes
deflecting off bones before exiting, leaving a gaping, bloody hole.
If all this is to stop, then tighter global controls are imperative. The question
is whether the political will needed to implement such legislation exists against
the murky backdrop of a lucrative business that deals in genuine weapons of
mass destruction. Just as the profiteering has become a way of life for the
dealers, so it is, too, for those who dispatch the bullets by pulling the trigger.
Some years ago in Liberia, I met a 14-year-old soldier who called himself J-Boy.
He was sitting on a bridge overlooking the Po River, smoking a joint and loading
some of those familiar copper-coloured cartridges into his rifle. Had J-Boy
himself ever killed anyone, I asked.
“Oh sure man, plenty, plenty,” he assured me with a smile. “With
this good AK and these real fine bullets, it’s way easy.”