Untitled Document
Like so much else in our moment, it contravened
laws the U.S. had once signed onto, pretzeled the English language, went
directly to the darkside, was connected
to various administration lies and manipulations that preceded the invasion
of Iraq, and was based on taking the American taxpayer to the cleaners. I'm
talking about a now-notorious Bush administration "extraordinary rendition"
in Italy, the secret kidnapping of a radical Muslim cleric off the streets of
Milan in early 2003, his transport via U.S. airbases in Italy and Germany to
Egypt, and there, evidently with the CIA station chief for Italy riding shotgun,
directly into the hands of Egyptian torturers. This was but one of an unknown
number of extraordinary-rendition operations –
the estimate is more than 100 since Sept. 11, 2001, but no one really knows
– that have taken place all over the world and have delivered terror suspects
into the custody of Uzbeki, Syrian, Egyptian, and other hands notorious for
their use of torture. It just so happens that this operation took place on the
democratic soil of an ally that possessed an independent judiciary, and that
the team of 19 or more participants, some speaking fluent Italian, passed through
that country not like the undercover agents of our imagination, but, as former
CIA clandestine officer Melissa Boyle Mahle told
Reuters, "like elephants stampeding through Milan. They left huge footprints."
Those gargantuan footprints – and some good detective work by the Italian
police based on unsecured cell phones (evidently
from a batch issued to the U.S. diplomatic mission in Rome), hotel bills,
credit card receipts, and the like – have given us a glimpse into the
unexpectedly extravagant "shadow war" being conducted on our behalf
by the Bush administration through the Central Intelligence Agency. So let me
skip the normal discussions of kidnappings, torture, or whether we violated
Italian sovereignty, and just concentrate on what those footprints revealed.
If the president's Global War on Terror has been saddled with the inelegant
acronym GWOT, the Italian rendition operation should perhaps be given the acronym
LDVWOT, or La Dolce Vita War on Terror.
Of course, if Vice
President Dick Cheney could say of administration tax cuts, "We won
the [2002] midterms. This is our due"; if House
Majority Leader Tom DeLay could charge his airfare to Great Britain to an
American Express card issued to lobbyist Jack Abramoff, and food and phone calls
at a Scottish golf-course hotel to a credit card issued to Washington lobbyist,
Edwin A. Buckham; if Halliburton
could slip a reputed $813 million extra in "costs" into a contract
to provide logistical support for U.S. troops (including "$152,000 in 'movie
library costs' [and] a $1.5 million tailoring bill"); then why shouldn't
the Spartan warriors of the intelligence community capture a few taxpayer bucks
while preparing a kidnapping in Italy?
Here's what we know at present about this particular version of La Dolce
Vita:
The CIA agents took rooms in Milan's five-star hotels, including
the Principe di Savoia, "one
of the world's most luxuriously appointed hotels" where they rang up $42,000
in expenses; the Westin Palace, the Milan Hilton, and the Star Hotel Rosa
as well as similar places in the seaside resort of La Spezia and in Florence,
running up cumulative
hotel bills of $144,984.
They ate in the equivalent of five-star restaurants in Milan
and elsewhere, evidently fancying themselves gourmet undercover agents.
As a mixed team – at least six women took part in the
operation – men
and women on at least two occasions took double rooms together in these
hotels. (There is no indication that any of them were married – to each
other, at least.)
After the successful kidnapping was done and the cleric dispatched
to sunny Egypt, they evidently decided they deserved a respite from their exertions;
so
several of them left for a vacation in Venice, while four others headed
for the Mediterranean coast north of Tuscany, all on the taxpayer dole.
They charged up to $500 a day apiece, according
to Craig Whitlock of the Washington Post, to "Diners Club accounts
created to match their recently forged identities"; wielded Visa cards
(assumedly similarly linked to their fake identities); and made sure they got
or used frequent flier miles. (The Diner's Club, when queried by TomDispatch,
refused to comment on any aspect of the case.) Our master spies "rarely
paid in cash," adds Whitlock, "gave their frequent traveler account
numbers to desk clerks and made dozens of calls from unsecure phones in their
rooms."
To move their captive in comfort – for them –
they summoned up not some grimy cargo plane but a Learjet to take him to Germany
and a Gulfstream
V to transport him to Egypt, the sorts of spiffy private jets normally
used by CEOs and movie stars.
You would think that our representatives in Congress, reading about this in
their local newspapers, might raise the odd question about the rich-and-famous
life-styles of our secret agents. So far, however, despite the well-reported
use of taxpayer dollars to fund trysts, vacations, and the good life, nary a
peep on the subject has come from Congress; nor has anyone yet called for the
money to be returned to the American people.
Now, because a Milan prosecutor had the temerity to issue arrest warrants for
13 of our high-flying spies and to
seek warrants for another six of them – the great majority are now
officially "on the run" and assumedly have been pulled out of Europe
by the Agency. The CIA station chief who headed the operation had even bought
a retirement house near Turin. "That he thought he could live out his golden
years in Italy," reports Tracy
Wilkinson of the Los Angeles Times, "is another indication
of the impunity with which he and the others felt they were operating, Italian
prosecutors say."
A small tip for Interpol investigators: If any of these agents are still at
large in Europe, I wouldn't be checking out obscure safe-houses. The places
to search are top-of-the-line hotels, Michelin-recommended restaurants, and
elite vacation spots across the continent.
When evaluating the CIA's actions in Italy, you might consider the Agency's
mission statement as laid
out at its Web site: "Our success depends on our ability to act with
total discretion. … Our mission requires complete personal integrity.
… We accomplish things others cannot, often at great risk. … We
stand by one another and behind one another." Or you might simply adapt
an ad line from one of the few credit cards the team in Milan seems not to have
used: The nightly cost of a room in Milan's Hotel
Principe di Savoia, $450; the cost of a Coke from a mini-bar in one of its
rooms, $10; the cost of leasing GulfstreamV
for a month, $229,639; that feeling of taking the American taxpayer for a ride,
priceless.