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The Harper Government: Towards A New Social Order? |
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by Prof. Ann Porter The Centre for Research on Globalisation Entered into the database on Friday, May 26th, 2006 @ 15:29:50 MST |
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The election of Stephen Harper's Conservative government on January 23, 2006 has
significantly shifted the terms of the social policy debate in Canada. While in
some respects the Harper government represents a continuation of the market-based
neo-liberal trajectory that has been set over the last 20 some years, in other
respects it represents a turn of a kind that we haven't seen before at the federal
level in Canada. Many aspects of the Conservative agenda are likely to alter both
the framework and nature of social policy discussions. This ranges from specific
program proposals in areas such as childcare and healthcare, to the federal-provincial
decentralization agenda; from proposals to enshrine property rights in the constitution,
to changes in the process of Supreme Court judge selection that could have long
run implications for court challenges and equality-based claims. Of particular
concern, however, and permeating through specific policy proposals, is a reformulation
of what the "social" itself means, both in terms of how we understand
the role and nature of "social" policy, and more fundamentally, how
we do or should constitute ourselves as social beings. The Conservative Election Platform In the Conservative party election platform issues to do with health care,
child-care, "security" for seniors, post-secondary education, as well
as same-sex marriage, all fell under the rubric "Stand up for Families".
Significant in the Conservative platform was the absence of any notion of "the
social" in a broad, communitarian sense; in the sense of building "social
foundations", as the Liberals have recently tended to call it, and certainly
in the sense of encouraging a collective or social solidarity. Indeed what was
striking was the apparent erasure of the very notion of "social policy"
itself. What is left is simply a policy for (traditionally defined) families
and individuals; an emphasis on increased familial and self-reliance rather
than reliance on the state for issues that fall in the category of the "social". The Conservative election platform reflected both a neo-liberal, market-based
approach and, despite efforts to keep a moderate tone, strong elements of a
social conservative agenda. This is likely to mean a continued shift both from
the state to the market and from the state to the family; a reconfiguration
of what are public goods and what are private goods and responsibilities in
both these ways. This double tendency can be seen in two of the major pronouncements
in social policy areas. Childcare Childcare became a major issue during the election. The Conservatives promised
to rescind the bilateral agreements that the Liberal government had signed with
the 10 provinces and to withdraw from what appeared, at last, to be some form
of publicly funded child care at the federal level. The Conservatives argued
that whereas the Liberals and NDP would "build a massive childcare bureaucracy"
their approach has to do with choice: that "the best role for government
is to let parents choose what's best for their children . whether that means
formal child care, informal care through neighbours or relatives, or a parent
staying at home". The Conservative alternative, the Choice in Childcare
Allowance, is to provide all families with a taxable $1,200 allowance per year
for each child under 6. In addition, the Conservatives have promised to allocate
$250 million a year in tax credits to employers to help create child care spaces.
These measures, however, in no sense constitute a childcare plan. The former
is essentially a form of family allowance that has little directly to do with
childcare; the latter provides a limited amount of funds to cover capital costs,
but not the ongoing expenses involved in operating a childcare centre. Most
importantly for the social conservatives, it provides the option of increased
state funding to support the stay-at-home parent. Healthcare With respect to health care, the Conservatives have emphasized reducing wait-times
and have promised to work with the provinces to develop a Patient Wait Times
Guarantee to "ensure that all Canadians receive essential medical treatment
within clinically acceptable waiting times". At the same time, they have
signaled that they would allow for a mix of public and private health care delivery.
This, it seems, is the real issue. Highlighting the need to reduce "wait
times" has become a rational for allowing private health care delivery. A New Social Order Governments over the last 15 to 20 years have already moved well along the
path of downloading responsibility for "the social" away from the
state and towards markets and families. The qualitatively new dimension that
the Harper government brings, however, is a new prominence given to a social
conservative ideology. The apparent erasure of "the social" in Conservative
party documents is, of course, something of an illusion. It is not simply a
vacuum that is being left in terms of the role of the state in encouraging a
particular social framework, or in shaping social relations, and the way we
interact with each other. Rather, there is a particular type of morality and
social order that is being promoted; one that incorporates notions of the "right"
type of family, a particular type of religious value, a law and order agenda
and the removal of rights with respect to same-sex marriage and reproductive
choice. Some commentators have suggested that Harper is not himself a social conservative
and that the party as a whole, in part through the need to appeal to a broader
electorate, has become more moderate. While Harper's political strategy may
require proceeding cautiously with a social conservative agenda, the ties to
and pressures from this contingent need to be taken seriously: there can be
no doubt that the election of the Harper government is giving social conservative
elements a presence that they haven't had before. Harper's roots in the Reform/Alliance
Party, his time spent at the head of the National Citizen's Coalition and his
close relationship to Tom Flanagan are all reminders of Harper's own personal
history. His past pronouncements, similarly suggest, at the very least, a close
engagement with social conservative elements of the party. In a telling article
in 2003, for example, he argued that since the economic agenda is now taken
care of, what really needs to be addressed is the "social agenda of the
modern Left", particularly the welfare state and the damage that is having
on institutions such as the family. Beyond Harper's personal views and history, pressure to move forward on a social
conservative agenda also results from the alliances and forces that form key
elements within the Conservative party as a whole. The increased presence of
the religious right and its influence on and ties to various Conservative party
members is of particular concern. While traditionally the religious right has
had less of a presence in Canada then in the US, its influence here appears
to be growing. A number of Conservative candidates were nominated with the help
of Christian leaders and a growing number of evangelicals ran in the election.
The organization Egale identified 34 first-time Conservative candidates as closely
identified with the Christian right. Ten of these were elected. Some ten cabinet
members have been identified as social conservatives, including Vic Toews (Attorney
General and Minister of Justice), Stockwell Day (Public Safety) and Jim Flaherty
(Finance). Other Conservatives with ties to the Christian right include David
Sweet (former head of Promise Keepers Canada); and Maurice Vellacott, (with
ties to Focus on the Family Canada). An increasing number of evangelical lobby
groups, grassroots organizations and educational institutions have also established
a presence in Ottawa. Many of these have links to groups in the US and have
considerable influence with Conservative party members. Implementing the Social Conservative Agenda The social conservative influence can already be seen in a number of policy
areas. As noted above, Conservative childcare proposals are formulated in a
way that accommodates those who favour a traditional family and stay-at-home
solutions. In addition, the social conservative agenda calls into question what
were thought to be acquired rights with respect to individual choice in the
area of household formation, sexuality and reproduction. The Conservatives have
promised to hold a free vote on the definition of marriage, and if it passes,
to introduce legislation "to restore the traditional definition of marriage
while respecting existing same-sex marriages." A Globe and Mail survey
found that 136 of the incoming MPs indicated that they are opposed to same-sex
marriage, while 153 support it. There is, therefore, a very solid bloc opposing
same-sex marriage and a vote on the issue would be close. Women's groups are also concerned about the Conservative agenda with respect
to abortion. During the election, Harper would only say that his views on the
issue are "complex", and that he "was not proceeding with an
abortion agenda". It has been estimated, however, that there are at least
90 anti-choice MPs in the new parliament (including 16 Liberals and 74 Conservatives)
and a large number whose position is unknown. Women's groups are also concerned
that a private member's bill could be introduced on the subject. Conservative
Party policy allows for free votes on issues of conscience, so even if Harper
has said he won't proceed with an abortion agenda, the issue could nevertheless
be introduced, debated and voted on. There are also other ways in which reproductive
rights could be affected, including through the appointment of anti choice ministers,
possible funding cuts for services and groups that are pro-choice, and through
encouraging delisting abortion as a medically necessary procedure. Since election day the Conservatives have moved quickly to implement their
agenda. In April it was reported that a coalition of social conservative lobby
groups was being mobilized in support of the Conservative childcare plan. These
groups include REAL Women, the Canada Family Action Coalition and the Institute
for Canadian Values, "a faith-based public policy think tank." The
May 2nd Budget further indicated the Conservative government's intent to move
decisively in this area. Their childcare plan will be implemented through what
they are now calling the "Universal Child Care Benefit" (UCCB). As
promised, this will provide families with $100 month (taxable) for each child
under age 6, effective July 1, 2006. The government will continue with its plans
to cancel the childcare agreements signed by the previous Liberal government.
Other aspects of the budget include a range of tax cuts, significant increases
in military spending, a $2 billion cut in federal program spending, a withdrawal
of commitments made to Aboriginal people under the Kelowna Accord (which would
have provided spending on health care, housing and other initiatives), as well
as the withdrawal of funding to implement the Kyoto plan. Consequences of the New Social Agenda Overall, then, in the area of social policy, the Conservative agenda involves
proposals for a new type of social and economic order, one that involves not
only the continuation - and probably a more aggressive continuation - of a neo-liberal
agenda of privatization and market-based solutions, but also the promotion of
certain ways of forming the social fabric. This variant of neo-liberalism isn't
just about increasing reliance on the market; it is also about intrusion into
private areas of family and household life, foreclosing possibilities and (at
least for a sizeable number in the Conservative bloc) imposing a narrow, religious-based
morality. The consequences of this range of possible changes for the provision
of social services, the downloading onto unpaid labour in the home, for notions
of community and solidarity, for the deepening of inequalities and increased
vulnerability of individuals and communities, for the ability for people to
lead independent and engaged lives, and to make their own choices in critical
areas of their lives, are profound. The Conservatives have advanced a discourse of "choice", most prominently
in the area of childcare. Yet many of their policies act in precisely the opposite
way- to limit choice and foreclose possibilities. Looking at economic, labour
market and social security provisions taken as a whole, it is difficult to see
how anything other than more of the low wage, precarious type of work will flourish
under a Harper government and that this will be accompanied by the continued
erosion of the public and broader public sector (hospitals, schools etc) that
both provided more stable jobs and the type of services needed for families,
households and individuals to continue to function. The result is likely to
be an acceleration of the trend to a social and economic framework defined by
a combination of more precarious work, and a reduction in state provided income
security, and where the choices and survival strategies available to people
will be very narrow indeed. For the left, this points to the need to understand the consequences of a market-driven
agenda, but also to take seriously the increased presence of social conservatives
and their ability to tap into and construct responses to the insecurities of
the current era. What the Conservative platform indicates is the importance
of taking into account the social, as well as the economic aspects of neo-liberalism
as a whole, and the importance of better understanding the multi-faceted ways
in which the "relations of ruling" are currently being reconstituted.
Ties to social conservative groups in the US serve to remind us that imperialism
does not just involve economic and political relations of power, but also the
reformulation of social relations at multiple levels. Currently Canadians do
not as a whole give a lot of credibility to the tenets of social conservatism.
However, the presence of such a strong current within the government does mean
that issues that were thought settled 5, 10, 20 or more years ago are once again
open for debate. For the left, it will require not only a re-assertion of the
importance of rights, for example, in the area of reproductive choice, as well
as collective rights in the areas of social and economic policy, but, in addition,
further debate on the type of alternative arrangements between the economic
and the social that might be possible. Ann Porter teaches feminism and political economy at York
University. Socialist Project e-bulletin
No, 21. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- **Greg Albo and Cy Gonick, "Figuring Out and Fighting Harper", The Bullet, N. 18, 8 May, 2006, at www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/bullet018.html. **Richard Harding, "Who's Getting It? The Canadian Mission in Afghanistan", The Bullet, N. 16, 21 April 2006, at www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/bullet016.html. **Rianne Mahon, "A Real Alternative: The Canadian Election and Childcare", The Bullet, 19 January 2006, at www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/. **Greg Albo, "Harperism: The First Three Months", Relay, N. 11, 2006, at www.socialistproject.ca/relay. **Murray Cooke, "The Conservative Cabinet: The 'Revolution' Comes to Ottawa", Relay, N. 10, 2006, at www.socialistproject.ca/relay. **Robert Macdermid, "Electing Money", Relay, N. 10, 2006, at www.socialistproject.ca/relay. **Greg Albo, "Canadian Election Aftermath: New Actors, Same Play?", Relay, N. 10, 2006, at www.socialistproject.ca/relay. Sources on Harper and New Right Social Policy: **Michael Valpy, Caroline Alphonso and Rheal Seguin, "Same Sex Vote likely to be tight", Globe and Mail, Feb. 1, 2006. **Pauline Tam, "Onward Christian soldiers: Evangelicals are mobilizing in Ottawa to put their stamp on public policy and opinion", The Ottawa Citizen, 14 Jan. 2006. **Stephen Harper, "Rediscovering the Right Agenda", Report Magazine, June 2003, posted on the Christian Coalition International (Canada) Inc website, Jan. 2006; www.ccicinc.org/political affairs/060103.html. **"Conservative Party links to Right Wing American Groups", www.harperstiestousa.org/index.htm. **Action Canada for Population and Development; "Canadian Post-Election 2006 Analysis"; www.acpd.ca. **Action Canada for Population and Development, "Last Call to Guarantee Canadian Women's Right to Choose", www.acpd.ca. ** "David Sweet hides his Promise Keeper past", Egale Press Release, Jan. 16, 2006; www.egale.ca. **Scott Simmie, "Is the religious right poised to set Harper's agenda?", Toronto Star, Jan. 20, 2006. |