MEDIA - LOOKING GLASS NEWS | |
Bush's War on the Press |
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by John Nichols & Robert W. McChesney The Nation Entered into the database on Friday, November 18th, 2005 @ 17:37:22 MST |
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In his speech
to last spring's National Media Reform Conference in St. Louis, Bill Moyers
accused the Bush Administration not merely of attacking his highly regarded
PBS program NOW but of declaring war on journalism itself. "We're seeing
unfold a contemporary example of the age-old ambition of power and ideology
to squelch and punish journalists who tell the stories that make princes and
priests uncomfortable," explained Moyers. With the November resignation
of Moyers's nemesis, Corporation for Public Broadcasting (CPB) board chair Ken
Tomlinson, amid charges of personal and political wrongdoing and a host of other
recent developments, it becomes increasingly clear that this White House is
doing battle with the journalistic underpinnings of democracy. To be sure, every administration has tried to manipulate the nation's media system.
Bill Clinton's wrongheaded support for the Telecommunications Act of 1996 cleared
the way for George W. Bush's attempts to give media companies the power to create
ever larger and more irresponsible monopolies. But with its unprecedented campaign
to undermine and, where possible, eliminate independent journalism, the Bush Administration
has demonstrated astonishing contempt for the Constitution and considerable fear
of an informed public. Consider the bill of particulars: Corrupting PBS. Tomlinson's tenure at the CPB, which annually
distributes $400 million in federal funding to broadcast outlets, was characterized
by an assault on the news operations of the Public Broadcasting Service in
general, and Moyers in particular, for airing dissenting voices and preparing
investigative reports on the Administration. His goal was clearly to fire
a shot across the bow of all public stations so managers would shy away from
the sort of investigative journalism that might expose Bush Administration
malfeasance. On November 15, on the heels of Tomlinson's resignation, the
CPB's inspector general issued a sixty-seven-page report documenting Tomlinson's
repeated violations of the Public Broadcasting Act, CPB rules and the CPB
code of ethics with his political meddling, though it stopped short of calling
for prosecution, or of examining the link between Tomlinson's actions and
White House directives. Faking TV News. Under Bush Administration directives, at
least twenty federal agencies have produced and distributed scores, perhaps
hundreds, of "video news segments" out of a $254 million slush fund.
These bogus and deceptive stories have been broadcast on TV stations nationwide
without any acknowledgment that they were prepared by the government rather
than local journalists. The segments--which trumpet Administration "successes,"
promote its controversial line on issues like Medicare reform and feature
Americans "thanking" Bush--have been labeled "covert propaganda"
by the Government Accountability Office. Paying Off Pundits. The Administration has made under-the-table
payments to at least three pundits to sing its praises, including Armstrong
Williams, the conservative columnist who collected $240,000 from the Education
Department and then cheered on the ill-conceived No Child Left Behind Act.
Turning Press Conferences Into Charades. Bush has all but
avoided traditional press conferences, closing down a prime venue for holding
the executive accountable. On those rare occasions when he deigned to meet
reporters, presidential aides turned the press conferences into parodies by
seating a friendly right-wing "journalist," former male escort Jeff
Gannon, amid the reporters and then steering questions to him when tough issues
arose. They have effectively silenced serious questioners, like veteran journalist
Helen Thomas, by refusing to have the President or his aides call on reporters
who challenge them. And they have established a hierarchy for journalists
seeking interviews with Administration officials, which favors networks that
give the White House favorable coverage--as the frequent appearances by Bush
and Dick Cheney on Fox News programs will attest. Gutting the Freedom of Information Act. As Eric Alterman
detailed in a May 9 report in these pages, the Administration has scrapped
enforcement of the Freedom of Information Act and has made it harder for reporters
to do their jobs by refusing to cooperate with even the most basic requests
for comment and data from government agencies. This is part of a broader clampdown
on access to information that has made it virtually impossible for journalists
to cover vast areas of government activity. Obscuring the Iraq War. In addition to setting up a system
for embedding reporters covering the war--which denied Americans a full picture
of what was happening during the invasion--the Defense Department has denied
access to basic information regarding the war, from accurate casualty counts
to images of flag-draped coffins of US dead to the Abu Ghraib torture photos.
Pushing Media Monopoly. The Administration continues to
make common cause with the most powerful broadcast corporations in an effort
to rewrite ownership laws in a manner that favors dramatic new conglomeratization
and monopoly control of information. The Administration's desired rules changes
would strike a mortal blow to local journalism, as media "company towns"
would be the order of the day. This cozy relationship between media owners
and the White House (remember Viacom chair Sumner Redstone's 2004 declaration
that re-electing Bush would be "good for Viacom"?) puts additional
pressure on journalists who know that when they displease the Administration
they also displease their bosses. In his famous opinion in the 1945 Associated Press v. US case, Justice Hugo
Black said that "the First Amendment rests on the assumption that the widest
possible dissemination of information from diverse and antagonistic sources
is essential to the welfare of the public, that a free press is a condition
of a free society." In other words, a free press is the sine qua non of
the entire American Constitution and republican experiment. The Bush Administration attack on the foundations of self-government demands
a response of similar caliber. Under pressure from media-reform activists Congress
has begun to push back, with a strong bipartisan vote in the Senate Commerce
Committee to limit the ability of federal agencies to produce covert video news
segments and to investigate Defense Department spending on propaganda initiatives.
But until the Administration is held accountable by Congress for all its assaults
on journalism, and until standards are developed to assure that such abuses
will not be repeated by future administrations, freedom of the press will exist
in name only, with all that suggests for our polity. John Nichols, The Nation's Washington correspondent, has covered progressive
politics and activism in the United States and abroad for more than a decade.
He is currently the editor of the editorial page of Madison, Wisconsin's
Capital Times. Nichols is the author
of two books: It's
the Media, Stupid and Jews
for Buchanan. Robert W. McChesney, who teaches at the University of Illinois, is the
author of Rich
Media, Poor Democracy (New Press) and, with John Nichols, of It's
the Media, Stupid (Seven Stories). With John Nichols, he founded
Free Press, a media reform network.
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