IRAQ WAR - LOOKING GLASS NEWS | |
Was it 'fragging'? GI casualties increase in Iraq |
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by Greg Butterfield uruknet.info Entered into the database on Thursday, June 16th, 2005 @ 15:51:20 MST |
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Jun 15, 2005 - First Lt. Louis Allen and Capt. Philip Esposito, two officers assigned
to a New York National Guard unit in Tikrit, Iraq, were killed in their sleep
on June 7. The Pentagon is investigating their deaths as a possible “fragging”—an
act of retaliation by a rank-and-file soldier or soldiers. Four explosions destroyed the room where Esposito, a company commander and
Wall Street broker, and Allen, the company operations officer and son of a New
York City cop, were sleeping in a presidential residence commandeered by the
U.S. military. The cause of death was initially reported as “indirect
fire” from a mortar attack. But by June 11, the New York Daily News reported,
the Pentagon was investigating “suspicious circumstances.” “We don’t believe their deaths were caused by an enemy combat attack,”
an unnamed military source told the Daily News. “We believe there was
a crime here.” Such a “crime,” if it occurred, would mark a qualitative change
in the morale of G.I.s in Iraq and the level of resistance within the U.S. military
itself. Fragging of brutal officers was a common form of resistance by soldiers during
the Vietnam War. The term came from tossing a fragmentation grenade into a sleeping
officer’s tent. There have been hints and rumors of fraggings in the Iraq War, but only one
officially confirmed case. On March 23, 2003, as the 101st Airborne Division
was preparing to invade Iraq, Army Sgt. Hasan Akbar carried out a grenade and
rifle attack against the 1st Brigade’s senior command staff at Camp Pennsylvania
in central Kuwait. Two were killed and 14 wounded. Akbar, who is Muslim, said he wanted to stop the United States from killing
other Muslims. In April of this year, he was convicted by a military jury and
sentenced to death. Acts of resistance There have been many acts of resistance to the invasion and occupation of Iraq.
These range from refusal to ship out or return to combat to the 343rd Quarter
master Company’s en-masse rejection of an October 2004 order to undertake
a “suicide mission” with a convoy of fuel trucks. On June 11, the Pentagon reported that the death toll of U.S. military personnel
in Iraq had passed 1,700, including both combat deaths and other causes. At
least 25 U.S. soldiers died in the second week of June alone. This may be just the tip of the iceberg, however. Many independent reports
have questioned the U.S. casualty figures, charging that the number of deaths
is actually much higher. Most recently El Diario/La Prensa, a mainstream Spanish-language daily newspaper
in New York, reported that its analysis of documents provided to the Puerto
Rican government showed that more than 4,000 U.S. troops had been killed by
the end of May. In Iraq, rank-and-file G.I.s and reservists—largely working-class youths
and people of color ensnared by the economic draft—are faced with a popular,
militant resistance movement that shows every sign of stepping up its actions
in the weeks and months to come. They know they are unwelcome and unwanted by
the Iraqi masses. Popular anger and resistance will only grow as the Pentagon continues to carry
out acts of terror against the population, like “Operation Lightning.”
This operation has rounded up more than 1,300 men between the ages of 15 and
55 in the Baghdad region as “suspected insurgents.” On June 12, U.S. forces carried out air strikes against supposed resistance
targets in Karabilah. The Pentagon claimed to have killed 40 guerrillas. But
residents told Reuters that civilian homes and buildings were the only targets. Hamdi al-Alusi, chief of Qaim hospital, said he had treated three civilians
wounded in the attack—including a 12-year-old boy who later died. Even senior U.S. military brass like Maj. Gen. Joseph Taluto are now going
on record to say that “good and honest” Iraqis are fighting the
occupation, as he recently told Gulf News. Brig. Gen. Donald Alston, the chief
U.S. military spokesperson in Iraq, admitted that “there is no long-term
military solution to an insurgency.” (Knight Ridder, June 12) Of course, these statements are aimed at luring some sectors of the resistance
to abandon the armed struggle and join the U.S.-dominated “political process.”
But they can’t help but have an effect on the rank-and-file troops, who
were told the exact opposite for the last two-plus years. By now all G.I.s are aware of the unpopularity of the occupation around the
globe and at home. A USA Today/Gallup poll published June 13 showed that 59
percent of U.S. respondents want the troops withdrawn—a record high. No military censorship can stop the snowballing revelations of Washington’s
wrongdoing from reaching their ears: how the Bush administration and its allies
deliberately lied about “weapons of mass destruction” and carried
out illegal activities to justify the brutal invasion of a sovereign country. The revelations keep on coming. On June 12, the Sunday Times of London reported
on a leaked briefing paper from Prime Minister Tony Blair’s cabinet. Dated
July 23, 2002, the briefing paper stated that Britain was committed to backing
U.S. military action against Iraq. Since regime change was illegal under international
law, the paper noted, it was “necessary to create the conditions”
to make it legal by backing Baghdad into a corner using the pretext of United
Nations weapons inspections. Even the likes of right-wing Rep. Walter Jones—infamous for his bid to
rename French fries as “freedom fries”—are calling on the
Bush administration to set a timetable for withdrawing the troops. The White
House pooh-poohed this latest call. (French Press Agency, June 13) In the midst of this hated occupation, it’s conceivable that more acts
of resistance of all kinds by G.I.s are going unreported or underreported. For example, few in the United States will have heard that another mysterious
non-combat death—of Staff Sgt. Mark O. Edwards of Tennessee on June 9—is
under investigation. |